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Teltament 


'^  C^ 


Albert!,  Clay' 


*     OCT  11 1907      *•' 

^ — >■ — — — 

ESI)  80 

Division 


Sectioa 


4 

\ 


1 


I 


^ 


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Light  on  the 
Old  Testament 
from  Babel 


By    /  . 

ALBERT   T.  CLAY,  Ph.D. 

Assistant   Professor  0/ Semitic  Philology  and  Archaeology,  and 

Assistant  Curator  of  the  Babylonian  Section,  Department 

0/   Archaeology,    University    »/   Pennsylvania. 


(SECOND  EDITION) 


^k. 


Philadelphia 

The  Sunday  School  Times  Company 

1907 


Copyright,  1906, 

BY 

Thi  Sunday  School  Times  Co. 


TO 

CHARLES  ELVIN  HAUPT,  D.D. 

IN  GRATITUDE  AND  AFFECTION 


PREFACE 

A  CONSIDERABLE  portion  of  the  material  of 
*■  this  pubHcation  formed  the  basis  of  lectures 
delivered  at  Winona  Bible  Conference,  Mt.  Gretna 
Chautauqua,  Pocono  Pines  Assembly,  and  other 
institutions  and  churches,  besides  those  given  on 
Sunday  afternoons  in  Houston  Hall  under  the  au- 
spices of  the  Christian  Association  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania. 

In  addition  to  the  discussion  of  the  cuneiform 
inscriptions  in  these  lectures,  which  bear  more  par- 
ticularly upon  the  Old  Testament,  several  chapters 
(VII,  VIII,  XII,  and  XV)  have  been  included 
on  life  in  ancient  Babylonia.  Besides  facts  published 
by  others,  these  chapters  include  a  presentation  of 
certain  discussions  of  general  interest  which  I  have 
published  in  a  more  technical  form  in  the  series :  "  The 
Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania. "  These  chapters,  however,  also  contain 
much  material  that  appears  for  the  first  time. 

The  scholar  whose  privilege  it  is  to  labor  upon 
the  ancient  records  of  the  past  cannot  but  feel  under 


PREFACE 

deep  obligations,  not  only  to  the  explorer  who  by 
his  unselfish  devotion  and  sacrifice  has  unearthed 
them,  but  to  the  men  who  have  made  possible  by 
their  generosity  and  intelligent  interest  this  opening 
up  to  the  light  of  day  of  these  remains  of  ancient 
peoples  in  the  land  of  primitive  civilization — appar- 
ently the  cradle  of  the  universe.  To  these  I  desire 
to  express  my  gratitude,  and  also  to  those  who  in 
any  way  have  aided  me  in  the  publication  of  these 
lectures,  notably  Mr.  William  H.  Witte,  Assistant 
in  the  Babylonian  Section  of  the  Department  of 
Archeology  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  a  great 
many  of  whose  photographs  are  used  to  illustrate 
these  lectures ;  to  Mr.  Clarence  S.  Fisher,  the  architect 
of  the  Nippur  excavations,  for  the  excellent  plan 
of  the  Temple  Ekur;  to  my  friend  Mr.  Hermann 
Faber,  Professor  of  Art ;  and  also  to  The  Sunday 
School  Times  Company  for  their  kind  co-operation 
in  securing  typographical  accuracy  for  these  lectures. 

Albert  T.  Clay. 


CONTENTS 


I  PAGES 

Introductory  Remarks 1-22 

II 
The  Great  Antiquity  of   Man 23-58 

III 
The  Babylonian  Creation    Story 59-76 

IV 
The   Babylonian   Deluge  Story 77-88 

V 

The     Tower     of     Babel     and    the    Babylonian 

Temple 89-124 

VI 
The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis 125-144 

VII 
Babylonian  Life  in  the  Days  of   Abraham 145-200 

VIII 
Code  of   Hammurabi 201-222 

IX 
Moses  and  Hammurabi 223-234 

X 

The  Name  Jahweh   in  Cuneiform  Literature..      235-250 

XI 
The  Amarna  Letters 251-282 

vii 


Contents 

XII  PAGES 

Babylonian    Temple    Records    of     the     Second 

Millennium   Before   Christ 283-312 

XIII 
The  Assyrian  Historical  Inscriptions 313-360 

XIV 
The  Neo-Babylonian  Historical  Inscriptions...     361-389 

XV 
Babylonian    Life    in     the    Days     of    Ezra     and 

Nehemiah 390-429 

•  •  • 

vin 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

Amraphel  of  Genesis  in  bas-relief 128 

(British  Museum.    Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Arab  workmen  digging  tablets 57 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Aramaic  endorsements  on  documents  of  Murashd  Sons.  ...    402 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Archaic  arch  of  Nippur 35 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Ashurbanipal  as  the  high  priest  or  canephorus 355 

(From  the  catalogue  of  the  British  Museum.) 
(By  permission  of  the  Trustees.) 

Asphalt  spring  near  Hit 94 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Baby  rattles  in  terra-cotta 195 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Belshazzar,  Chronicle  recording  the  death  of 374 

(Delitzsch-Hagen,  Beitrdge  zur  Assyriologie.) 

Besieging  a  walled  city,  The  Assyrians 315 

(British  Museum.    Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Brick-makers  in  Egypt 273 

(From  Ball,  "  Light  from  the  East.") 

(By  permission  of  Eyre  and  Spottiswoode.) 

Brick-stamps  of  Sargon  I  and  Naram-Sin 118 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Bronze  head  from  Fara 54 

(Possession  of  H.  V.  Hilprecht.) 

Case  tablets  of  the  Cassite  period,  containing  seal  impres- 
sions      173 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Cattle  and  sheep  leased  by  Temple  officials,  Records  of ...  .    297 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Centaur,  The  earliest  known  form  of  the 174 

(Drawn  by  the  Author.) 

IX 


List  of  Illustrations 

PAGE 

Creation  epic  of  the  Babylonians 68 

(From  King,  "Seven  Tablets  of  Creation.") 
(By  permission  of  Luzac  &  Co.) 

Cyrus,  Cylinder  of 383 

(British  Museum.      Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Cyrus.  Portrait  sculpture  of 385 

(From  Lindl,  "Cyrus.") 

Darius,   Cylinder-seal  of 387 

(British  Museum.)      (By  permission  of  Eyre  &  Spottiswoode.) 

Deed  with  an  Aramaic  endorsement 395 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Deluge  tablet  of  the  Babylonians 79 

(British  Museum.     Photograph  from  a  cast.) 

Dog  and  her  puppies  in  terra-cotta 391 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Door-socket  of  Gimil-Sin    found  at  Ur  of  the  Chaldees 198 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Dragon  of  Babylon  in  tiles 381 

(Delitzsch,  Babel  und  Bibel.) 

Dragon  of  Nippur 380 

(Constantinople  Museum.     Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Dungi  and  Kuri-Galzu,  Inscriptions  of 286 

(From  Hilprecht,  "Old  Babylonian  Inscriptions,  Part  I.") 

Entemena,  Silver  vase  of 53 

(From  Heuzey,  Decouveries  en  Chaldee.) 

Esarhaddon  holding  biblical  Tirhakah  and  Baal  with  thongs.   3  53 

(Berlin  Museum.) 

Evil-Merodach,  Tablet  dated  in  the  reign  of,  biblical 370 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Excavations  in  the  Temple  Court  at  Nippur 27 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Excavations  in  the  Temple  precincts  to  virgin  soil 36 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Excavations  showing  pavements  of  different  ages 29 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Excavations  within  the  Temple  Area  at  Nippur.  .    Frontispiece 
(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

X 


List  of  Illustrations 

PAGE 

Fall  of  Man,  So-called  scene  of  the 83 

(British  Museum.     Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Fight  of  Marduk  and  Tiamat 65 

(From  Ball,  "Light  from  the  East.") 
(By  permission  of  Eyre  &  Spottiswoode.) 

Furnace  of  the  time  of  Abraham 192 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Garden  scene  of  Ashurbanipal 357 

(British  Museum.     Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Gilgamesh  epic,  Seal  impression  with  scene  from 86 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Gimil-Sin,  Door-socket  of 198 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Grinding  corn  in  the  Arab  camp  at  Nippur,  A  woman 144 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Gudea,  Stone  vase  of 113 

(Museum  at  Constantinople.      Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Gudea,  Statue  of 161 

(From  Heuzey,  Decouveries  en  Chaldee.) 

Hammurabi,  Clay  cone  of 130 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Hammurabi,  Code  of 203 

(Louvre  in  Paris.     Cut  loaned  by  Professor  Max  Kellner.) 

Heads  of  dolerite  statues  found  at  Telloh 1 59 

(From  Heuzey,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee.) 

Home  scene  in  the  Arab  camp  at  Nippur 282 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Hunting  scene  of  an  Assyrian  king 359 

(British  Museum.     Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Images,  or  household  gods,  of  Bel  and  Beltis 194 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Incantation  bowls  in  Hebrew  and  Mandaic 409 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Jehu  paying  tribute,  Bas-relief  depicting 323 

(Photograph  from  a  cast.) 
Jeweler's  guarantee  concerning  the  setting  of  an  emerald  .  .    412 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

xi 


List  of  Illustrations 

PAGE 

Kudur-Mabug,  Bronze  canephorus  dedicated  to  Nana  by.  .    134 
(Berlin  Museum.     Photograph  from  cast.) 

Labels  or  tags  in  clay 157 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Lease  of  fish-ponds  in  which   the  agent    exacted   a  mess  of 
fish  each  day ' 415 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Lion  of  Babylon  in  tiles 366 

(Delitzsch,  Babel  und  Bibel.) 

Lugal-kigubnidudu,  Votive  slab  of 45 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Lugal-zaggisi,  Inscription  of 139 

(From  Hilprecht,  "Old  Babylonian  Inscriptions.") 

Marble  head,  Early  Sumerian 37 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Marduk  and  Ramman 367 

(Report  of  the  "  Deutschen  Orient  Gesellsckaft.") 
Merneptah,  Stele  of,  mentioning  Israel 277 

(From  Petrie,  "Six  Temples  at  Thebes.") 

Merodach-Baladan,   Boundary  stone  with  the  picture  of, 

biblical 340 

(Berlin  Museum.) 

Models  of  different  systems  of  drainage  at  Nippur 191 

(Made  by  C.  S.  Fisher.     Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Moon-god  Sin,  Seal  cylinder  impression  of  Ur-Engur,  who 

stands  before  the ^99 

(Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Mound  covering  Nippur  Tower 107 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 
Multiplication  table:   18  x  i  =  18 189 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 
Musicians,  Bas-relief  in  stone  depicting 165 

(From  Heuzey,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee.) 
Nabonidus,  Cyhnder  of,  containing  a  prayer  for  Belshazzar    372 

(British  Museum,  Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 
Nabopolassar,    referring   to   Tower   of   Babel,    Building   in- 
scription of. . ^^^ 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

•  • 

XI 1 


List  of  Illustrations 

PAGE 

Nebuchadrezzar,  Inscribed  brick  of 363 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Nebuchadrezzar,  referring  to  the  Tower  of  Babel,  Cylinder  of  368 
(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

"Ninib  "  in  Aramaic,  Name  of 400 

Original  tablet  illustrating  the  impressing  of  the  stylus.  ...    170 
(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Pavements  laid  by  Ashurbanipal,  Kadashman-Turgu  and 

Ur-Ninib 29 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Payments  made  to  temples  in  Nippur,  Records  of 311 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Payments  of  Temple  stipends 305 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Payments  to  priests  showing  check  marks,  Records  of 309 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Pithom,  the  store-city.  Map  of 269 

(From  Naville,  "The  Store-city  of  Pithom.") 

(By  permission  of  Egyptian  Exploration  Fund  Committee.) 

Plan  of  buildings  in  Tablet  Hill 183 

(By  C.  S.  Fisher.) 

Plan  of  Ekur  at  Nippur 114 

(By  C.  S.  Fisher.) 

Prayer  of  Nazi-Maruttash 287 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Putting  out  the  eyes  of  a  prisoner 365 

(From  Maspero,  "The  Passing  of  the  Empires.") 
(By  permission  of  D.  Appleton  &  Co.) 

Receipts  and  Records  of  Payments  belonging  to  the  Tem- 
ple archives 3°7 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Reference  cylinders  from  the  Temple  School  of  Nippur.  ...    185 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 
Release  given  for  and  on  account  of  a  claim  for  damages. 
Document  recording  a 426 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Sargon  II  and  his  officer 33^ 

(From  Price,  "The  Monuments  and  the  Old  Testament.") 
(By  permission.) 

xiii 


List  of  Illustrations 

PAGB 

Sargon  I,  Door-socket  of 31 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Seals  and  Seal-cylinders 172 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Sennacherib,  Cylinder  containing  the  annals  of 345 

(From  the  catalogue  of  the  British  Museum.) 
(By  permission  of  the  Trustees.) 

Sennacherib  seated  before  Lachish 350 

(From  the  catalogue  of  the  British  Museum.) 
(By  permission  of  the  Trustees.) 

Sennacherib,  Storming  of  Lachish  by 349 

(From  Ball,  "Light  from  the  East.") 
(By  permission  of  Eyre  &  Spottiswoode.) 

Shalmaneser  II,  Black  obelisk  of 320 

(British  Museum.     Photograph  from  cast.) 

Sheep's  liver  in  terra-cotta.  Design  of  a 11 

(From  "Cuneiform  Texts,"  British  Museum,  Vol.  XV.) 
(By  permission  of  the  Trustees.) 

Shrine  of  Bel 103 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Sisiktu  marks  instead  of  seal  impressions ■  ■  •  •    176 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Sixty-year  lease  of  lands  and  buildings 411 

(Possession  of  H.  V.  Hilprecht.) 

Statues  in  dolerite  from  Telloh 163 

(From  Heuzey,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee.) 

Stylus,  Beveled  end 169 

(Made  by  the  author.) 

Stylus,  Square  end 169 

(Made  by  the  author.) 

Tablet  and  envelope 177 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Tablet  written  with  beveled  end  stylus 170 

(By  the  author.) 

Temple  of  the  moon-god  Sin  at  Ur  of  the  Chaldees 197 

(Photograph  by  the  Wolfe  Expedition.) 
(By  permission  of  Dr.  W.  H.  Ward.) 

Temple  School  of  Nippur 181 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

xiv 


List  of  Illustrations 

PAGB 

Temple  stipends,  Document  recording  payments  of 301 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Temple    stipends,    Transliteration   of   document    recording 
payments  of 302,  303 

(From  Clay,  "Documents  from  the  Temple  Archives  of  Nippur," 
Vol.  XIV.) 

Thothmes  III 272 

(From  Maspero,  "The  Struggle  of  Nations.") 
(By  permission  of  D.  Appleton  &  Co.) 

Thumb-nail  marks  instead  of  seal  impression 175 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Tiglath-pileser  or  Pul  before  a  besieged  city 328 

(British  Museum.     Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Topographical  map  of  the  environs  of  Nippur 293 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Topographical  map  of  Nippur in 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Tower  of  Babel,  Simpson's  picture  of  the loi 

(From  Ball,  "Light  from  the  East.") 
(By  permission  of  Eyre  &  Spottiswoode.) 

Tower  of  Ekur,  the  Temple  of  Bel  at  Nippur 107 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Ur-Engur,  Stamped  brick  of 105 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.     Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Ur-Enlil,  Votive  slab  of 41 

(Original  in  Constantinople  Museum.) 

Ur-Nina,  Votive  slab  of 40 

(From  Heuzey,  Decouvertes  en  Chaldee.) 

Urumush,  Marble  vase  of 46 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Vase  fragments,  Pre-Sargonic 39 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Water  buffalo  used  in  irrigating  machines 420 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Water-wheel  or  nd'tira  in  Babylonia 424 

(Photograph  by  the  Wolfe  Expedition.) 
(By  permission  of  Dr.  W.  H.  Ward.) 

Water-wheel,    illustrating     ancient      irrigating     machines. 
Modern 422 

(Photograph  by  the  Wolfe  Expedition.) 
(By  permission  of  Dr.  W.  H.  Ward.) 

XV 


List  of  Illustrations 

PAGE 

Wine  jar  lined  with  bitumen 427 

(Museum,  University  of  Pennsylvania.) 

Winged  bulls  from  the  palace  of  Sargon 335 

(British  Museum.     Photograph  by  Mansell  &  Co.) 

Zebu,  called  the  ox  by  the  ancient  Babylonians 226 

(Photograph  by  Haynes.) 

Map  of  Palestine,  Syria,  Assyria  and  Babylonia. 

xvi 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS 

Why  is  there  such  an  intelHgent  interest  displayed 
in  these  days  in  Oriental  excavations  ?  Why  are  such 
immense  funds  expended,  and  such  sacrificing 
efforts  put  forth,  in  digging  up  the  ruin-hills  of  the 
past  to  find  perchance  the  remains  of  a  wall,  an 
inscribed  object,  or  a  potsherd?  Why  does  arche- 
ology, or  the  study  of  the  material  remains  of  ancient 
times,  possess  a  charm  for  so  many?  And  why  do 
people  delight  in  having  opened  up  vistas  of  the  past 
through  the  discoveries  of  what  is  left  of  bygone 
civilizations? 

A  desire  to  have  more  knowledge  concerning 
biblical  matters  has  been  responsible,  in  most 
instances,  for  the  work  of  opening  up  the  mounds 
which  cover  the  remains  of  ancient  activities.  It 
was  felt  that  the  Babylonians,  Assyrians,  Egyptians, 
and  other  nations,  having  thrived  in  the  days  cf 
Israel,  and  having  come  into  close  relation  with  ihe 
Hebrews,  should  have  left  that  which  would  .nrow 
light  upon  the  Old  Testament.  Broader  questions, 
such  as  the  interdependence  of  national  ideas  and 
customs,  were  scarcely  thought  of.  The  question 
uppermost  in  importance  was  whether  points  of 
contact  could  be  found,  and  the  Bible  verified ;   and 


2  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

every  scholar  who  has  worked  upon  material  from 
which  there  was  a  possibility  that  such  revelations 
might  come  forth,  has  longingly  searched  for  the 
desired  data.  And  when  we  glance  over  the  tro- 
phies gained  by  sacrifice,  industry,  patience,  and 
skill,  we  must  exclaim:  What  a  change  has  been 
wrought  within  a  few  decades  by  the  explorer,  the 
excavator,  the  archeologist,  and  the  philologist! 

Not  many  years  ago  little  was  known  of  extra- 
biblical  history  of  the  age  prior  to  the  days  of 
Greece  and  Rome.  The  conception  of  these  times 
was  largely  based  upon  the  Old  Testament  and  the 
uncertain  myths  and  legends  which  have  been  pre- 
served by  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  These  furnished 
all  the  knowledge  which  we  possessed  of  the  early 
history  of  man.  But  now  we  have  original  sources. 
The  resurrection  of  ancient  cities,  and  the  decipher- 
ment and  interpretation  of  that  which  has  been 
unearthed,  has  enabled  us  not  only  to  reconstruct 
ancient  history,  as  well  as  the  background  for  the 
Old  Testament,  but  to  illustrate,  elucidate,  sub- 
stantiate, and  corroborate  many  of  the  narratives 
of  the  early  Scriptures.  This,  in  truth,  is  one  of  the 
greatest  achievements  of  the  last  century. 

The  right  interpretation  of  the  Old  Testament, 
of  course,  is  the  greatest  service  rendered  by  the 
monuments,  but  the  average  Bible  student  has 
regarded  the  confirmation  of  the  Scriptures  as  being, 
perhaps,  of  greater  importance.  Corroborative 
evidence  of  a  contemporaneous  character  has  been 


Introductory  Remarks  3 

in  the  highest  degree  welcome,  especially  because  of 
the  declarations  made  by  the  skeptic  or  by  the 
destructive  critic.  Immense  results  in  this  line  have 
been  achieved.  Episodes  which  have  been  affirmed 
to  belong  wholly  to  the  realm  of  fiction,  or  which 
have  been  regarded  as  mythical  or  legendary  in 
character,  are  now  proved  to  be  historical,  beyond 
doubt.  Many  theories,  even  those  put  forth  by 
careful  and  conservative  students,  have  been  modi- 
fied, and  many  supposed  inconsistencies  have  been 
satisfactorily  explained.  Some  theories  growing 
out  of  alleged  results  achieved  by  certain  scholars, 
being  no  longer  tenable  because  of  their  ephemeral 
character,  have  completely  disappeared.  In  short, 
while  some  scholars  have  endeavored  to  show 
portions  of  the  Old  Testament  wholly  fictitious, 
many  of  their  theories,  by  the  help  of  archeology 
and  philology,  can  now  be  shown  to  be  wholly 
fallacious.  On  the  other  hand,  there  has  been  much 
grasping  after  verifications  by  some  which,  in  many 
cases,  have  turned  out  to  be  illusory ;  and  as  a  result, 
their  supposed  confirmations,  having  been  popu- 
larized and  widely  circulated,  have  done  more  harm 
than  good. 

There  is  scarcely  a  period  of  Old  Testament 
history  that  has  not  received  some  light  through 
these  researches.  It  is  as  though  additional  chron- 
icles of  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  have  been 
found.  The  bare  outlines  of  ancient  history  pre- 
served in  the  Old  Testament  are  clothed  in  such  a 


4  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

way  as  to  offer  pictures  realistic  in  the  extreme. 
Episodes,  passages,  words,  receive  new  meanings. 
Acquaintance  with  the  rehgious  institutions  of  the 
nations  with  whom  Israel  came  in  contact  has 
offered  a  better  understanding  of  Israel's  religion; 
and  incidentally  many  questions,  as,  for  example, 
their  besetting  sin — proneness  to  idolatry — receive 
new  light.  In  short,  the  study  of  the  life  and  customs 
of  these  foreign  peoples  shows  certain  influences 
that  were  felt  in  Israel;  and  with  this  increased 
knowledge  we  naturally  gain  a  more  intelligent 
understanding  of  the  Old  Testament. 

While  these  researches  have  caused  many  diffi- 
culties to  vanish,  the  fact  must  not  be  lost  sight  of 
that  they  have  given  rise  to  new  problems.  While, 
also,  much  contemporary  evidence  has  been  pro- 
duced which  corroborates  the  historical  character 
of  portions  of  the  Old  Testament,  certain  discoveries 
have  given  a  totally  different  conception  of  other 
portions,  forcing  us  to  lay  aside  a  number  of  anti- 
quated views,  and  to  reconstruct  our  ideas  on  many 
important  questions.  Old  interpretations  which 
have  been  copied  or  revised  by  a  succession  of 
commentators,  and  have  been  handed  down  from 
century  to  century,  disappear;  and  that  which 
approaches  nearer  to  the  truth  becomes  known. 
This  increased  light  is,  of  course,  heartily  welcomed 
by  the  biblical  student,  and  is  regarded  as  being  of 
inestimable  value,  as  it  makes  possible  a  better 
understanding  of  the  Scriptures. 


Introductory  Remarks  5 

Perhaps  the  most  fascinating  feature  of  the 
results  gained  through  these  studies  is  the  retro- 
spective glances  afforded  into  the  early  doings  of 
man.  While  we  are  disappointed  in  not  being  able 
to  reach  still  nearer  the  primitive  beginnings,  our 
knowledge  of  the  history  of  man  has  been  projected 
backward  several  thousand  years,  and  is  attended 
by  many  surprises.  We  find  that  cultured  peoples 
antedated  Israel  by  millenniums;  and  that  instead 
of  Abraham's  descendants  belonging  to  the  dawn  of 
history,  they  lived  in  the  late  pre-Christian  period. 
Instead  of  Israel  being  an  all-powerful  nation  of 
antiquity,  we  find  that,  with  the  exception  of  the 
time  in  the  days  of  David  and  Solomon  when  the 
borders  of  the  nation  were  temporarily  extended, 
it  scarcely  can  be  classed  with  such  world-conquering 
powers  as  Babylonia,  Assyria,  Egypt,  Persia,  and 
other  nations.  Yet,  while  Israel  politically  is  not 
to  be  compared  with  some  of  her  illustrious  neigh- 
bors, intellectually  and  spiritually  the  nation  is 
found  to  stand  in  a  unique  position. 

Another  important  result  is  the  new  historical 
geography  which  has  been  reconstructed,  with  its 
thousands  of  additional  data.  Hundreds  of  im- 
portant points  have  been  located  definitely,  whose 
provenience  previously  could  only  be  surmised,  or 
for  which  no  reasonable  position  could  be  assigned. 
As  a  result,  the  number  of  places  and  rivers  in  the 
Old  Testament  concerning  which  nothing  is  known 
at  the  present  time  is  comparatively  small.    By  our 


6  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

knowledge  of  the  nations  surrounding  Israel,  its 
historical  setting  is  worked  out  in  a  remarkable  way. 
The  improved  perspective  for  many  of  the  episodes 
gives  them  a  totally  different  aspect.  Peoples  of 
whom  we  have  had  little  or  no  knowledge  are  again 
introduced  into  the  galaxy  of  nations.  We  become 
familiar  with  their  language,  their  religious  institu- 
tions, their  local  habitations,  their  conquests,  and 
even  their  e very-day  life.  Personalities  loom  up 
among  their  leaders  which  appear  to  be  equal  in 
greatness  with  those  familiar  to  us  in  modern 
history. 

One  of  the  most  important  results  obtained  is  the 
knowledge  that  Israel  enjoyed — in  common  with 
other  peoples — certain  social,  political,  and  religious 
institutions,  as  well  as  rites  and  customs.  This 
knowledge,  at  first  thought,  is  disturbing  to  some, 
especially  when  told  that  that  which  has  been  re- 
garded as  peculiarly  Hebraic  in  character  had  its 
origin  in  antiquity.  To  cite  a  single  example, 
circumcision  was  practised  long  before  the  patri- 
archs. Professor  W.  Max  MuUer  has  recently 
ascertained  that  the  Egyptians  circumcised  at  least 
2500  B.  C. 

After  some  reflection  this  truth,  instead  of  causing 
apprehension,  enables  us  to  understand  how  it  was 
possible  for  the  leaders  of  Israel  to  influence  the 
people.  It  is  impossible  to  imagine  how  unheard-of 
rites  and  ceremonies  could  have  been  introduced  in 
Israel,    even   though   one   divinely   sent  advocated 


Introductory  Remarks  7 

their  practise.  With  some,  also,  it  cannot  be  inferred 
that  the  leaders  directly  borrowed  these  rites  and 
customs  from  their  contemporaries,  especially  in 
view  of  the  injunction  they  received:  "After  the 
doings  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  wherein  ye  dwelt,  shall 
ye  not  do :  and  after  the  doings  of  the  land  of 
Canaan,  whither  I  bring  you,  shall  ye  not  do; 
neither  shall  ye  walk  in  their  statutes"  (Lev. 
18:3).  The  people  w^re  required  to  shun  the  prac- 
tises of  these  peoples;  but  what  shall  be  said  con- 
cerning such  customs,  manners,  and  traditions,  that 
for  centuries  during  the  patriarchal  period  had 
gradually  crept  into  the  Hebrew  life  and  remained 
with  it?  By  making  use  of  customs  with  which  they 
were  acquainted,  and  giving  them  a  significance  that 
conveyed  the  truth  which  the  leaders  desired  Israel 
to  have,  the  success  attending  their  practise  is 
comprehensible.  This  becomes  clearer  w^hen  we 
take  into  consideration  the  intellectual  status  of 
the  people,  and  the  fact  that,  as  far  as  we  know,  there 
were  no  efforts  put  forth  to  elevate  them  prior  to 
the  leadership  of  Moses. 

The  people  of  Israel,  we  must  remember,  developed 
into  a  tribal  nation  in  a  land  which  was  enriched 
by  the  traditions  and  civilizations  of  peoples  living 
there  at  least  several  millenniums  before  them. 
This  land  was  a  highway  between  two  continents — 
a  bridge  or  a  path  of  communication  between  the 
civilizations  of  the  Tigro-Euphrates  valley  and  the 
Nile ;   and  at  the  same  time  it  was  the  outlet  to  the 


8  Lisrht  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


Mediterranean  Sea  from  the  Great  Arabian  peninsula. 
Its  position,  surrounded  by  influences  from  three 
continents,  had  a  peculiar  effect  upon  the  land. 
The  varied  topography  of  the  country  offered  accom- 
modations for  peoples  who  preferred  either  an  alpine 
or  a  tropical  climate.  Petty  principalities  existed, 
having  little  or  no  connection  with  each  other. 
As  a  result,  the  land  prior  to  the  days  of  Israel, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Phoenician  cities,  did  not, 
as  far  as  we  know,  develop  or  enjoy  a  pronounced 
type  of  culture,  as  did  other  nations  about  it. 
Although  many  antiquities  of  the  early  period  have 
been  found  through  the  excavations  in  Palestine, 
there  is  little  or  nothing  to  show  that  an  indigenous 
art  existed,  as  is  found,  for  instance,  in  Egypt  or 
in  Babylonia.  Centers  may  be  found,  after  excava- 
tions have  been  more  extensively  conducted  in 
Palestine,  which  will  bring  to  light  a  highly  de- 
veloped cult  that  will  surprise  us;  but  the  indica- 
tions of  such,  thus  far,  are  lacking.  Practically 
the  only  indigenous  literary  heritage  that  we  possess 
of  the  early  period  in  the  history  of  the  land,  besides 
some  of  the  Amarna  tablets,  is  what  is  contained 
in  the  Old  Testament  writings.  Notwithstanding 
this  lack  of  evidence  of  an  advanced  civilization,  it 
seems  reasonable  to  conjecture  that  there  did  exist 
a  civilization  of  no  mean  order ;  and  also  that  the 
Israelites  were  influenced  more  by  the  life  surround- 
ing them  in  Palestine  than  from  any  other  quarter. 
Abram's    home    was    the    city    Ur    in    Southern 


Introductory  Remarks  9 

Babylonia.  His  direct  descendants  obtained  their 
wives  in  that  part  of  Syria  or  Armenia  which  in 
certain  periods  was  embraced  by  Babylonia.  They 
even  regarded  themselves  as  Arameans.  In  later 
years  an  Israelite,  in  presenting  his  first-fruits, 
said :  "An  Aramean  ready  to  perish  was  my  father " 
(i.  e.,  Jacob,  Deut.  26:5).  Further,  it  is  not  improba- 
ble that  Abram  or  his  ancestors  had  originally 
migrated  from  Syria  to  Ur,  and  belonged  to  the 
Western  Semites  who  had  congregated  in  Babylonia 
in  great  numbers  during  the  first  dynasty  (see 
Chap.  VII).  Although  centuries  of  nomadic  life  in 
the  West,  where  the  family  developed  into  a  nation, 
would  imply  that  the  people  were  greatly  influenced 
by  their  environments,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  they  had  also  preserved  traditions  and  customs 
belonging  to  their  Eastern  home.  To  Babylonia, 
therefore,  we  also  look  for  influences  which  have 
molded  to  a  certain  extent  the  thought  and  life 
of  Israel.  This  seems  natural,  especially  when  we 
consider  that  the  scenes  of  the  events  recorded  in 
the  Old  Testament  as  having  taken  place  prior  to 
Abram  are  pitched  in  that  region  from  which  the 
father  of  Israel  came. 

More  striking  than  all  else  are  the  inscriptions 
which  record  the  creation  and  deluge  legends  of  the 
Babylonians  (see  Chaps.  Ill  and  IV)  as  well  as 
those  which  throw  light  on  the  story  of  Babel 
(Chap.  V).  The  Hammurabi  Code,  which  ante- 
dates the  Mosaic,   has  the  same  underlying  spirit 


10  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

of  retaliation  (see  Chap.  IX).  This,  however,  seems 
to  be  common  to  ah  ancient  as  weU  as  modern 
Orientals.  Divination,  for  example,  by  inspecting 
the  livers  of  animals  offered  on  the  altar  of  the  gods, 
seems  to  be  Babylonian\  This  fact  throws  light  on 
Ezekiel  21:21,  where  we  read:  "For  the  king  of 
Babylon  stood  at  the  parting  of  the  way,  at  the  head 
of  the  two  ways,  to  use  divination:  he  shook  the 
arrows  to  and  fro,  he  consulted  the  teraphim,  he 
looked  in  the  liver."  The  reason  why  the  Hebrews 
were  prohibited  from  using  a  portion  of  the  liver  of 
the  sacrificial  animal  (see  Exod.  29:  13;  Lev.  3:4; 
9:  10,  etc.)  was  doubtless  a  protest  against  its  use 
for  divination  purposes".  The  words  Joseph  put  into 
the  mouth  of  his  steward :  "  Is  not  this  that  [the  cup] 
in  which  my  lord  drinketh,  and  whereby  he  indeed 
divineth?"  (Gen.  44:5),  are  doubtless  also  Baby- 
lonian, and  perhaps  have  some  connection  with 
their  "  Becherwahrsagung."  Naturally,  this  may 
have  been  practised  as  well  in  Egypt. 

It  is  possible  to  find  certain  ceremonials  in  the 
Babylonian  ritual  which  have  their  parallel  in  the 
Old  Testament^.  As,  for  instance,  the  Babylonian 
set  before   his   deity   twelve   loaves   of  unleavened 

^  See  Jastrow,  Die  Religion  Babyloniens  tind  Assyriens,  Vol. 
II,  Chap.  20,  for  a  full  exposition  of  liver  divination  among  the 
Babylonians. 

^See  Professor  Moore's  article  in  Noldeke,  Festschrift. 

3  See  Haupt,  Babylonian  Elements  in  the  Levitic  Ritual, 
Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  Vol.  for  1900,  p.  55ff. 


Introductory  Remarks 


11 


showbread,    again    thirty-six,    or    seventy-two;     in 
other    words,    multiples    of    twelve.      In    Leviticus 


Design  oi  a  bhcep's  liver  in  terra-cotta,  vvitii  tlie  surface  divided  into  compart- 
ments, and  inscribed  with  miscellaneous  omens,  prepared  for  instruction  in  divin- 
ation methods  in  the  Temple  schools.     Found  near  Bagdad. 


twelve  loaves  were  laid  before  Jahweh.     Although 
it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament,  Jewish 


12  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

traditions  unanimously  affirm  that  the  bread  was 
unleavened,  the  same  as  in  Babylonia.  With 
them  the  number  twelve  represented  the  tribes; 
and  the  offering  was  made  "on  behalf  of  the 
children  of   Israel,  an  everlasting  covenant."   (Lev. 

24:5ff-) 

A    ritual    tablet '    shows    that     the    Babylonian 

sprinkled  the  blood  of  the  lamb  which  was  killed 
at  the  gate  of  the  palace  "on  the  lintels,  on  the 
figures  flanking  the  entrances,  and  on  the  door- 
posts at  the  right  and  left."  This  act  is  recognized 
as  having  its  parallel  in  the  passover  rite  of  the 
Hebrews.  Yet,  as  the  late  Dr.  Trumbull  has 
shown,"  the  passover  is  based  upon  the  ancient 
threshold  covenant,  which  goes  back  to  a  very 
great  antiquity,  and  which  was  practised  by  other 
ancient  peoples  as  well  as  by  the  Babylonians.  For 
Israel  this  old  rite  received  a  new  significance.  It 
was  to  be  observed  thereafter  as  a  memorial  of  the 
deliverance  of  Israel  from  bondage. 

The  Babylonian  priest  required  certain  parts  of 
the  sacrifice  for  himself,  which  we  know  was  the 
custom  also  among  the  Hebrews  (Deut.  18:3).  The 
parts  that  were  retained  by  the  Babylonian  differ 
from  those  kept  by  the  Israelite  priest.  This  custom, 
however,  is  known  to  have  been  practised  also  b}^ 
other    peoples.      Another    similar    feature    of    the 

*  See  Haupt,   Babylonian    Elements    in    the    Levitic    Ritual, 
Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  Vol.  for    1900,  p.  61. 
2  Threshold  Covenant,  p.  2o8ff. 


Introductory  Remarks  13 

Babylonian  sacrifice  was  the  requirement  that  the 
animal  be  without  blemish.  Also,  the  poor  man 
was  permitted  to  make  an  offering  of  less  value  than 
the   wealthy,   the  same   as   provided   for  in   Israel. 

Many  other  interesting  suggestions  have  been 
made  from  time  to  time  which  cannot  be  subjected 
to  an  adequate  test  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  too 
little  is  understood  either  of  the  rite  or  custom  itself, 
or  that  with  which  it  is  compared,  but  which  can  be 
said  to  lie  within  the  range  of  possibility.  For 
instance,  the  Hebrew  fioshen  mishpdt,  "breastplate 
of  judgment,"  in  which  the  Urim  and  Thummim 
were  kept,  has  been  compared  with  the  Assyrian 
takdlta  sha  pirishti  shame  u  ersiti,^  which  is  trans- 
lated, "the  pouch  of  the  mystery  of  heaven  and 
earth."  Besides  there  being  great  uncertainty  as 
regards  the  meaning  of  takdlta,  w^hich  is  recognized, 
there  is  the  mere  resemblance  of  the  idea  of  a 
"sacred  pouch"  containing  perhaps  that  which  is 
indicative  of  the  deity's  will,  upon  which  the  oracle 
is  based. 

Any  suggestion  which  will  open  up  avenues  of 
thought  and  investigation  whereby  a  better  under- 
standing of  biblical  matters  is  acquired,  must  be 
heartily  welcomed.  But,  after  all  that  is  known 
up  to  the  present  time  has  been  gathered  together, 
and    its    importance    properly    estimated,    we    are 


1  See   Haupt,    Babylonian     Elements   in  the     Levitic    Ritual, 
Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  Vol.  for  1900,  p.  59. 


14  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


"& 


impressed  with  the  fact  that  there  have  been  many 
extravagant  statements  made,  and  there  is  not 
such  a  great  deal,  after  all,  that  Israel  was  directly 
indebted  to  the  Babylonians  for,  beyond  the  stories 
in  Genesis  of  the  times  prior  to  Abram,  and  also  cer- 
tain customs  which  belong  to  the  period  after  the 
Babylonian  exile. 

There  are  those  who  greatly  overestimate  the 
influence  of  Babylonia  upon  Israel.  They  say  that 
practically  everything  belonging  to  the  functions  of 
the  priest  has  come  from  this  source;  that  "if  we 
want  to  trace  the  origin  of  the  late  Jewish  ceremonial 
of  the  Priest  Code  we  must  look  for  it  in  the  cunei- 
form ritual  texts  of  the  Assyro-Babylonians."  To 
substantiate  such  extreme  views,  and  to  make  them 
intelligible,  it  will  be  necessary  to  produce  many 
additional  facts. 

Professor  Zimmern,^  and  others  identify  the 
Hebrew  cherubim  with  the  Assyrian  bull  colossi. 
This,  however,  rests  only  on  supposed  fancied  resem- 
blances. It  is  limited  to  both  having  wings  in 
common,  and  the  fact  that  the  bull-gods  were  the 
guardians  of  temple  gates,  while  the  cherubim  were 
placed  eastward  of  Eden.  Beyond  these  resem- 
blances all  other  details  are  different.  As  has  been 
said:"  "If   the  idea  of  the  cherubim  was  borrowed 


^  Die  Keilinschriften  iind  das  Alte   Testament,    p.    529    f. 
^  Foote,  The  Cherubim  and  the  Ark,  Journal  of  the  American 
Oriental  Society,  vol.  xxv.,  p.  285. 


Introductory  Remarks  15 

from  the  Babylonians  it  must  be  admitted  that  it 
had  become  so  thoroughly  Hebraized  as  to  be  no 
longer  recognizable. " 

It  has  been  stated  again  and  again  that  the 
Babylonians  observed  the  seventh  day,  which  they 
called  the  Sabbath,  as  a  rest  day.  The  proof  for 
the  assertion  was  found  in  a  syllabary  which  ex- 
plains the  words  um-nuh.  libbi,"  day  of  rest  of  the 
heart,"  by  the  word  sha-bat-tum.  This  has  gener- 
ally been  regarded  as  being  the  origin  of  the  Hebrew 
Sabbath.  But  it  has  since  been  ascertained^  from  a 
list,  which  gives  the  Sumerian  and  Babylonian  days 
of  the  month,  that  shabatti  or  shapatti  was  the  Baby- 
lonian name  for  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month. 
This  word  does  not  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
Hebrew  shabdt,  "to  rest,"  but  is  explained  as  a 
synonym  of  the  Babylonian  gamdru,"  to  complete." 

But  the  Babylonians  did  observe  the  seventh, 
fourteenth,  twenty-first,  twenty-eighth,  as  well  as 
the  nineteenth  day  of  their  lunar  month.  It  was 
UD.HUL.GAL  or  ilmu  limnu,  "  the  evil  day.  "  Upon 
this  day  the  Hebrew  Sabbath  may  in  some  respect 
be  based.  It  was,  however,  not  observed  every 
seventh  day  like  the  Hebrew  Sabbath,  for  some 
months  had  thirty  days.  It  was  not  a  day  of  rest 
for  the  common  people,  but  was  observed,  as  far 
as  we  know,  only  by  the  king  and  his  officials ;  when 
they  were  prohibited  from  eating  meat  that  had 

^  See  Pinches,  The  Old  Testament,  etc.,  p    526ff. 


16  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

touched  the  fire;  when  they  could  not  change  their 
garments,  dress  in  white,  offer  sacrifices,  mount  a 
chariot,  pronounce  judgment,  or  the  physician  touch 
a  sick  man.  The  day  was  unauspicious  for  doing 
business.  In  the  night,  the  king  made  his  offering 
to  the  gods,  when  they  were  appeased.  While  the 
Babylonians  observed  such  a  day,  we  cannot  there- 
fore, agree  with  those  who  claim  that  we  owe  the 
blessings  contained  in  the  Sabbath  (Sunday)  rest 
to  the  ancient  Babylonian  civilization,  as  their  day 
was  observed  quite  differently.  If  the  idea  of  the 
rest-day  was  taken  over  from  the  Babylonians,  like 
other  institutions  whose  origin  can  be  traced  among 
peoples  prior  to  Israel,  it  received  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent character.  The  Israelites  themselves,  in 
explaining  its  origin,  we  must  keep  in  mind,  made 
it  coincident  with  the  last  creation  day  (Gen.  2:3). 
Politically,  Babylonia  has  played  an  important 
role  in  Palestine.  The  earliest  reference  to  the 
Westland  which  has  been  found  in  the  inscriptions 
is  on  the  votive  vases  of  Lugal-zaggisi,  about  4000 
B.  C.  He  informs  us  that  he  conquered  the  land, 
and  extended  his  dominion  unto  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  (see  page  138).  Sargon  I,  about  3800  B.  C, 
conducted  several  campaigns  in  this  region,  when 
he  completely  subjugated  the  people.  He  erected 
his  image  on  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Naram-Sin,  about  3750  B.  C,  marched  against 
Midian  and  the  Sinaitic  peninsula.  In  the  latter 
region    he    developed    the    famous    copper    mines. 


Introductory  Remarks  17 

Gudea,  about  3000  B.  C,  imported  diorite  from 
Sinai,  and  other  kinds  of  stone  from  the  Amorite 
land,  besides  cedars  from  Lebanon;  which  facts 
show  at  least  close  relations  with  that  part  of  the 
country. 

In  Abraham's  time,  we  learn  that  Elam  claimed 
suzerainty  over  the  land.  Kudur-Mabug,  the 
prince  of  Emutbal,  a  part  of  Elam,  used  the 
title,  "  Prince  of  Amurru"  (Palestine).  When  Ham- 
murabi conquered  Larsa  and  Elam  he  assumed 
this  title.  Ammi-ditana,  one  of  his  successors, 
continued  to  enjoy  it.  Then  the  curtain  falls,  and 
the  next  w^e  learn  about  the  country  from  extra- 
biblical  sources  is  more  than  five  centuries  later, 
in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  period,  when  the  land  is  found 
to  be  under  Egyptian  control  (see  Chapter  XI). 
With  the  predominant  political  influence  of  Assyria 
and  Babylonia  in  the  first  pre-Christian  millennium, 
all  are  familiar. 

Recognizing  the  fact  that  Palestine  during  millen- 
niums had  been  subject  frequently  to  the  nations 
of  the  East,  that  Hammurabi  had  been  a  remarkable 
administrator,  and  that  his  efforts  as  a  legislator 
were  such  that  the  code  he  promulgated  continued 
to  be  effective  in  Babylonia  for  many  centuries, 
we  should  naturally  suppose  that  he  had  also  estab- 
lished his  laws  in  all  the  countries  over  which  he 
ruled,  even  though  some  were  far  removed  from 
his  seat  of  government.  As  far  as  is  known,  this 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  the  case,  at  least  with 


18  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Syria.  Further,  the  influence  which  Babylonian 
culture  exerted  in  Palestine,  as  it  becomes  known 
through  the  Amarna  tablets,  and  in  fact  through 
all  sources  of  the  early  period,  to  be  explicit,  was 
meager.  In  these  letters  a  place  near  Jerusalem 
is  mentioned,  w^hich  was  known  as  Beth-Ninib 
"House  of  [the  Babylonian  god]  Ninib;"  and  an 
individual  was  named  Abdi-Ninib.  The  Baby- 
lonian god  Nergal  figured  prominently  as  the  god 
of  disease  and  death  in  a  letter  written  in  Alashia 
(presumably  Cyprus).  Then  also  the  god  Baal 
and  the  goddess  Ashirta  of  the  Phoenicians  are  to 
be  identified  originally  with  Bel  and  Ishtar  of  the 
Babylonian  pantheon,  while,  doubtless,  Mt.  Sinai 
and  Mt.  Nebo  obtained  their  names  from  the  gods 
Sin  and  Nebo. 

These  facts  would  not  enable  us  to  prove  an  ex- 
tensive influence  upon  Palestine  from  Babylonia. 
Moreover,  the  gods  of  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Mitani 
are  also  mentioned  in  these  letters.  In  short, 
Babylonia  for  many  centuries,  as  well  as  Egypt 
for  a  shorter  period,  exercised  control  over  Palestine, 
and  exacted  tribute ;  but  these  nations  do  not  seem 
to  have  made  any  efforts  to  reorganize  the  country 
politically,  or  to  establish  their  own  cultures  in  the 
land.  The  use  of  the  Babylonian  as  the  diplomatic 
language  of  the  Canaanite  princes  does  not  neces- 
sarily prove  any  extensive  influence  in  that  region, 
as  some  scholars  have  claimed,  because  the  same 
language  was  used  throughout  Western  Asia  and 


Introductory  Remarks  19 

Egypt  at  that  time  for  the  same  purpose.  French 
may  be  the  diplomatic  language  spoken  in  modern 
Bagdad  and  Constantinople,  but  its  use  for  that 
purpose  would  not  prove  that  France  exerted  any 
special  influence  in  those  quarters.  Naturally, 
the  use  of  Babylonian  in  the  Amarna  age  points  to 
an  extended  control  and  political  influence  which 
Babylonia  exercised  over  a  great  territory  at  some 
previous  period.  On  the  other  hand,  when  we 
consider  the  influence  that  was  exerted  by  the  land 
of  the  Amorites  (which  included  Palestine)  upon 
Babylonia,  we  might  claim  the  reverse  to  be  true. 
Even  the  chief  god  Amurru  was  introduced  into 
the  Babylonian  pantheon,  as  was  the  worship  of 
Addu,  and  other  gods,  as  is  shown  by  their  nomen- 
clature, an  example  of  which  is  the  Palestinian 
Dagon  in  Ishme-Dagan,  an  Assyrian  ruler's  name. 
The  influence  of  Babylonia  upon  Palestine  is  not 
to  be  minimized,  but  it  has  been  greatly  exaggerated 
by  some  scholars  with  reference  to  the  culture  of 
the  Hebrews.  We  are  not  justified  in  generalizing 
so  freely  because  of  certain  things,  as,  for  instance, 
similar  laws  which  are  found  in  the  Hammurabi 
and  Mosaic  codes,  which  are  based  on  common 
Oriental  law,  or  are  to  be  explained  as  interesting 
coincidences  (see  Chap.  IX) ;  or  because  of  the 
similarity  of  the  creation  and  deluge  stories  of 
the  Hebrew  and  Babylonian;  or,  for  instance,  be- 
cause some  weights  and  measures  are  found  to 
be  similar,  which  was  due  to  the  influence  of  the 


20  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


"& 


Babylonian  trader.  As  shown,  there  are  rites  and 
ceremonies  which  have  their  parallels  in  the  Assyro- 
Babylonian  rituals.  Further,  in  the  customs  of 
the  late  period,  after  the  Hebrews  had  been  in  exile, 
there  can  be  no  question  that  considerable  influence 
was  felt  from  that  quarter;  to  mention  a  single 
illustration,  the  substitution  of  the  Babylonian 
names  of  the  months  for  their  own.  But  as  has 
also  been  shown,  there  is  no  justification  for  the 
extravagant  assertions  concerning  the  Hebrew  cul- 
ture as  a  whole,  which  have  been  made  in  some  of 
the  recent  Bibel  und  Babel  literature. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  we  know  so  little  of 
early  Palestine  and  Phoenicia,  the  countries  which 
have  directly  influenced  the  Israelites.  It  is  claimed 
by  some  that  the  plan  of  Solomon's  temple  and  its 
ornamentation  followed  Phoenician  models.  Yet 
some  declare  that  it  is  little  more  than  a  reproduction 
of  a  Babylonian  sanctuary.  It  might  be  interesting 
to  see  the  proofs  for  these  claims,  inasmuch  as  there 
is  very  little  known  of  Babylonian  fanes. 

We  must  remember  that  Israel  lived-  in  Egypt 
for  nearly  five  centuries  during  the  period  of  the 
nation's  infancy.  Although  separated  from  true 
Egyptian  life,  and  under  military  control,  it  is 
natural  to  suppose  that  a  certain  percentage  of  the 
people  came  into  contact  with  the  residents  of  the 
Nile  valley.  What  is  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament 
concerning  Egypt  is  found  to  be  a  faithful  picture. 
Other  influences,   as   yet  unrecognized,   may  have 


Introductory  Remarks  21 

come  from  that  direction.  But  after  taking  into 
consideration  all  the  supposed  influences  now  known 
from  that  quarter,  we  must  remark  that  they  are 
exceedingly  slight. 

Some  may  also  be  looked  for  from  Hittite  sources. 
The  people  of  Heth  had  important  settlements  in 
Palestine  at  a  very  early  date.  The  Syrians  from 
Damascus,  a  very  ancient  center,  also  influenced 
the  people  of  Palestine  for  centuries.  What  future 
excavations  of  the  ancient  cities  of  the  East  will 
reveal  along  this  line  of  investigation,  no  one  can 
surmise.  The  indications  are  that  very  interesting 
parallels  in  cultures  will  be  found;  and  the  fact 
will  be  recognized  that  Israel  had  much  in  common 
with  other  nations,  even  with  those  whose  antiquity 
was  much  greater,  and  that  the  ordinary  influences  of 
nations,  especially  of  the  greater  upon  the  smaller, 
will  be  recognized.  But  beyond  that  which  belongs 
to  common  Oriental  culture  which  has  been  handed 
down  from  time  immemorial,  little  direct  borrowing, 
it  seems  to  me,  will  be  found  to  have  been  done. 
In  other  words,  such  direct  and  wholesale  depend- 
ence upon  the  Babylonians  as  has  been  claimed 
by  some  will  not  be  proved. 

On  the  other  hand,  when  we  consider  the  light 
thrown  upon  the  Hebrew  records  from  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  sources  by  reason  of  political  and  social 
contact,  we  have  something  of  a  more  positive 
character  with  which  to  deal.  And  it  must  be  a 
source  of  gratification  to  many  to  know  that  the 


22  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'O 


ruin-hills  of  the  past  have  yielded  so  many  things 
to  prove  that  much  which  the  skeptic  and  the  nega- 
tive critic  have  declared  to  be  fiction  is  veritable 
history.  Archeology  must  ever  be  given,  the 
greatest  credit  for  having  come  to  the  rescue.  When 
we  reflect  that  wherever  in  the  Old  Testament 
reference  is  made  to  contact  with  foreign  powers, 
and  we  have  been  able  to  delve  among  the  con- 
temporaneous records  of  those  powers  in  nearly 
every  instance,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  succeeding 
chapters,  reference  to  such  contact  with  Israel 
has  been  found — truly  every  lover  of  tlie  old  Book 
must  rejoice. 


II 

THE    GREAT    ANTIQUITY    OF    MAN 

The  Babylonian  legend,  as  handed  down  by 
Berosus  the  Greek  historian,  claims  four  hundred 
and  thirty-two  thousand  years  for  the  period  prior 
to  the  deluge,  during  which  time  ten  kings  ruled; 
in  other  words,  each  king  ruled  on  an  average 
forty- three  thousand  two  hundred  years.  All  are 
more  or  less  familiar  with  the  claims  of  modern 
scientists  that  the  period  for  the  existence  of  man 
on  earth  covers  many  thousands  of  years.  In  the 
discussion  contained  in  the  following  pages  on  the 
antiquity  of  man,  only  that  is  taken  into  considera- 
tion which  archeology  has  revealed. 

For  many  years  it  has  been  known  that  Egypt 
flourished  centuries  prior  to  Abraham;  that  it  had 
an  amazingly  high  civilization,  which  was  old  in  his 
day;  and  that  its  political  institutions  were  already 
greatly  advanced.  Few,  however,  appreciated  the 
extent  of  Egypt's  development,  especially  with 
respect  to  its  great  antiquity.  The  general  public 
did  not  readily  accept  the  conclusions  arrived  at  by 
Egyptologists,  but  continued  to  accept  Ussher's 
chronology,  or  other  systems  which  were  based  upon 
the  Septuagint,  as  being  more  or  less  correct.  All 
this  is  now  changed.    Babylonian  archeology  throws 

23 


24  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

light  upon  the  subject,  and  not  only  is  the  great 
antiquity  claimed  by  Egyptologists  confirmed,  but 
our  vista  of  this  early  age  is  enlarged  in  a  manner 
surprising  in  the  extreme.  Nations  and  peoples 
of  those  times  are  restored  to  history.  Thousands 
of  inscriptions  are  brought  to  light,  by  the  help  of 
which  a  knowledge  of  the  life  and  customs  of  the 
people  prior  to  Abraham's  day  is  unfolded  before 
our  eyes,  changing  our  entire  conception  of  those 
distant  times,  and  revealing  a  civilization  which  had 
advanced  in  an  astonishing  degree,  centuries  before 
the  patriarch.  Instead  of  possessing  only  the  names 
of  a  score  or  more  of  individuals  between  Adam  and 
Abram,  as  are  found  in  Genesis,  many  thousands 
become  known.  In  a  single  document,'  for  instance, 
written  two  thousand  years  before  the  patriarch, 
about  five  hundred  names  are  given.  And  yet  the 
great  work  of  excavating  the  cities  of  ancient  Baby- 
lonia is  only  in  its  infancy. 

Nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago,  De  Sarzec's 
excavations  at  Telloh  revealed  statues  and  inscrip- 
tions (see  page  158)  belonging  to  an  age  antedating 
by  many  centuries  the  old  date  of  the  deluge.  A 
decade  since,  on  the  basis  of  the  excavations  by 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  at  Nippur,  a  still 
greater  antiquity  was  definitely  fixed  for  the  early 
history  of  man.  And  not  very  long  ago  Dr.  Banks, 
who  excavated  at    Bismya    for    the    University   of 

1  The  Obelisk  of  Manishtusu,  see  page  46. 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man  25 

Chicago,  in  the  reports  of  his  field  work  claimed 
even  a  greater  antiquity  for  what  he  found.  In 
the  upper  stratum  of  this  city  the  remains  of  a  very 
early  period  were  brought  to  light,  showing  that  the 
city  had  been  destroyed  perhaps  in  the  early  part 
of  the  third  millennium  B.C.,  and  that  it  had  never 
been  rebuilt.  He  informs  us  that  beneath  the  ancient 
temple  were  various  strata,  the  lowest  of  which 
he  dates  several  millenniums  earlier  than  the  oldest 
date  hitherto  claimed  for  any  Babylonian  ruins. 
Whether  his  conclusions  will  stand  the  test,  after 
further  investigations  have  been  made,  remains  to 
be  seen.  In  addition  to  important  explorations  con- 
ducted years  ago  by  Loftus,  Taylor,  and  Rassam  in 
Babylonia,  the  German  Oriental  Society  has  devoted 
five  years  to  systematic  excavations  at  Babylon, 
Fara,  and  Abu-Hatab,  where  important  results 
were  obtained.^ 

In  determining  the  great  antiquity  of  man  in 
Babylonia  prior  to  the  days  of  Abraham,  important 
lessons  are  taught  by  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 
excavations  of  the  various  strata  of  the  mound 
which  covers  the  temple  of  Bel  at  Nippur.  It  has 
been  said  that  twenty-one  different  strata  can  be 
traced  with  certainty  in  the  temple  area.  This  does 
not  mean  strata  in  the  sense  of  so  many  cities,  but 

1  For  the  past  two  years  the  Society,  under  the  directorship 
of  Professor  Frederick  Delitzsch,  has  carried  on  excavations  in 
Assyria  where  many  antiquities  of  the  last  two  pre-Christian 
millenniums  nave  been  found. 


26  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

different  levels  at  which  objects  have  been  found. 
The  fact  is  that  while  a  number  of  pavements 
intersect  the  mound  of  the  temple,  and  several 
closely  defined  strata  are  perceptible,  we  cannot 
speak  of  so  many  cities,  as  for  instance  is  done  with 
reference  to  the  ancient  biblical  Lachish,  where 
Bliss  found  eight  distinct  towns,  one  superimposed 
upon  the  other.  At  Nippur  there  was  a  continued 
occupation,  as  far  as  is  known,  from  the  earliest 
period  until  the  latest.  The  city  was  without  doubt 
destroyed  at  times,  but  the  buildings  were  restored 
and  enlarged,  especially  those  in  connection  with 
the  temple.  In  short,  the  mounds  of  Nippur,  formed 
through  the  accumulations  of  debris,  and  rising  on 
an  average  of  sixty  feet  above  the  plain,  show  a 
number  of  distinct  strata  w4th  their  respective 
antiquities.  These  mark  different  epochs,  and 
represent  millenniums   of  building  operations. 

When  the  excavators  sent  out  by  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania  approached  Nippur,  in  1889,  the 
high  conical  mound,  rising  about  ninety  feet  above 
the  plain,  was  at  once  recognized  as  covering  the 
temple  tower.  In  the  uppermost  stratum,  the 
remains  of  the  late  occupation  of  the  city  were  found. 
In  this  stratum  were  disinterred  many  Hebrew 
antiquities,  such  as  inscribed  incantation  bowls 
(see  Chap.  XV).  Below  this  lay  a  large  fortress 
which  had  been  built  upon  the  temple  and  ziggurrat 
in  the  age  following  the  Babylonian  period,  pre- 
sumably  by   the    Parthians   or   Romans.      In    the 


28  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

ruins  of  this  building  are  found  some  walls  which 
indicate  a  slightly  earlier  construction,  showing 
that  the  structure  had  been  restored.  The  work 
of  Ashurbanipal  (668-626  B.  C.)  lies  several  feet 
beneath  this  fortress.  In  the  temple  court  this 
famous  Assyrian  ruler  laid  a  pavement  of  burnt 
bricks,  a  good  many  of  which  were  stamped  with 
his  titles.  Two  feet  below  this  pavement  another 
was  discovered.  This  was  laid  by  Kadashman- 
Turgu,  about  1325  B.  C.  Descending  below  this, 
another  w^as  found  which  belonged  to  Ur-Ninib, 
about  2550  B.  C.  Only  two  and  a  half  feet  of  debris 
exist  between  the  pavements  of  Kadashman-Turgu 
and  Ur-Ninib,  although  that  amount  represents  a 
period  of  about  twelve  hundred  years.  Two  feet 
below  the  pavement  of  Ur-Ninib,  the  excavators 
found  one  laid  by  Ur-Engur,  whose  date  is  fixed  at 
about  2700  B.  C.  But  how  do  we  arrive  at  the  date 
approximately  assigned  to  this  royal  builder? 

Assuming  that  Amraphel,  the  contemporary  of 
Abraham,  is  to  be  identified  with  Hammurabi, 
2100  B.  C.  (see  page  130),  and  knowing  that  he 
was  the  sixth  king  of  his  dynasty,  and  also  that  the 
number  of  years  his  predecessors  ruled  was  one 
hundred  and  twenty,  we  have  the  date  for  the 
beginning  of  the  first  dynasty  of  Babylon.  It  was 
contemporaneous  with  the  second  dynasty  of  Ur,  or 
Larsa  dynasty,  which  lasted  several  hundred  years. 
This  followed  in  order  the  dynasty  of  Isin,  and  the 
first  dynasty  of  Ur.     The  number  of  years  or  cen- 


Pavements  laid  by  Ashurbanipal,  Kadashman-Turgu  and  Ui-Ninib. 


Workman  removing  tlie  pavement  containing  bricks  witli  thie  titles  of  Sargon  and  Naram-Sin. 


30  Lio:ht  on  the   Old  Testament 


•& 


turies  assigned  to  these  dynasties,  from  the  num- 
ber of  known  rulers,  and  the  length  of  their  re- 
spective reigns,  cannot  be  fixed.  Although  it  is 
assumed  that  some  of  these  dynasties  were  partially 
contemporaneous,  a  reasonable  conjecture  is  that 
five  or  six  hundred  years  intervened.  While  several 
of  the  dynasties  are  comparatively  well  represented 
by  know^n  kings,  the  names  of  a  number  of  addi- 
tional rulers  must  be  forthcoming  before  this  period 
between  Ur-Engur  (approximately  2700  B.  C.)  and 
Hammurabi  (2100  B.  C.)  is  completely  filled  out. 

Below  the  pavement  of  Ur-Engur,  Director 
Haynes  found  another.  The  bricks  used  in  its  con- 
struction were  laid  in  two  courses,  and  bore  the 
legends  of  Sargon  I,  3800  B.  C,  and  his  son  Naram- 
Sin  (see  illustration  page  118).  We  again  inquire, 
How  is  this  date  arrived  at? 

Hormuzd  Rassam,  in  1881,  discovered  at  Abu- 
Habba  a  cylinder  of  King  Nabonidus  (555-537  B.C.), 
the  father  of  Belshazzar,  with  whose  zeal  for  archeo- 
logical  investigations  we  are  familiar.  It  contains 
an  account  of  his  restoration  of  Ebarra,  the  temple 
of  Shamash  at  Sippara,  which  Nebuchadrezzar 
and  others  before  him  had  rebuilt,  but  which  had 
fallen  into  ruins.  He  says:  "While  I  caused  the 
god  Shamash  to  go  forth  from  within  it  [and] 
caused  him  to  dwell  in  another  sanctuary,  I  tore 
down  that  temple;  and  looked  for  its  old 
foundation-stone.  I  excavated  eighteen  cubits  of 
earth,    and    the    foundation-stone    of    Naram-Sin, 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man 


31 


the  son  of  Sargon,  which  no  other  kings  among  my 
predecessors   had   seen   for    3200   years,    the    god 


DOOR-SOCKET   OF   SARGON,  FROM  NIPPUR. 

Inscription  reads:  Shargani-shar-ali  (Sargon),  son  of  Itti-Bel,  the  mighty- 
king  of  Accad  and  the  dominion  of  Bel,  the  builder  of  Ekur,  the  Temple  of 
Bel  in  Nippur.  Whoever  removes  this  inscribed  stone,  may  Bel  and  Shamash 
tear  out  his  foundation  and  exterminate  his  posterity. 

Shamash,   the  great  Lord  of   Ebarra,   the  temple, 
the  dwelhng  place,  the  delight  of  his  heart,  showed 


32  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

me."  Adding  the  3200  years  to  550,  which  is  about 
the  time  this  inscription  was  written,  we  arrive  at 
the  date  3750  B.  C.  for  Naram-Sin,  and  about 
3800  B.  C.  for  that  of  his  father  Sargon. 

Efforts  had  been  made  to  show  that  these  kings 
were  mythical  personages,  created  by  the  priests 
of  the  late  period.  Curiously  enough,  at  the  very 
time  this  theory  appeared  in  print.  Doctor  Haynes, 
at  Nippur,  like  Nabonidus  of  old,  stood  upon  the 
temple  pavement  of  Naram-Sin. 

A  number  of  Assyriologists  accept  the  date  3800 
B.  C,  while  others  are  very  reluctant  to  admit  such 
a  great  antiquity  for  these  Babylonian  rulers. 
Professor  Winckler  has  endeavored  to  bring  Sargon's 
date  down  to  3000  B.  C,  while  Doctor  Lehmann 
corrects  Nabonidus'  figures,  and  makes  the  inscrip- 
tion read  2200  years  instead  of  3200.  This  would 
make  Sargon's  date  2800  B.  C. 

There  is  this  to  be  said,  however,  with  reference 
to  the  3200  years  of  Nabonidus,  before  we  draw  our 
deductions  from  the  facts.  Doctor  Haynes  reported 
that  the  pavement  of  Ur-Engur  rested  immediately 
upon  the  two-course  brick  pavement  of  Naram-Sin. 
Ur-Engur's  pavement  consisted  of  several  layers  of 
worked  clay,  about  seven  feet  in  thickness,  on  the  top 
of  which  was  a  course  of  burnt  bricks.  No  debris, 
therefore,  intervened  between  the  pavement  of  Ur- 
Engur  and  that  of  Naram-Sin,  although  the  upper- 
most courses  of  each  were  in  some  places  as  much 
as  eight  feet  apart.      Mr.   Fisher,  the    architect  of 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man  33 

the  last  expedition,  claims  that  other  construc- 
tions of  Ur-Engur  also  rest  immediately  upon 
those  of  Sargon  and  Naram-Sin.  These  facts  would 
seem  to  support  the  theory  that  a  thousand  years 
do  not  intervene  between  the  two  rulers.  And  yet 
on  the  other  hand,  as  noticed  above,  only  two 
and  a  half  feet  of  debris  exists  between  the  pave- 
ment of  Ur-Ninib  (about  2550  B.  C.)  and  Kadash- 
man-Turgu  (about  1325  B.  C),  a  period  of  about 
1200  years.  For  many  centuries  the  pavement  of 
Ur-Ninib  may  have  been  kept  clear.  Perhaps  after 
some  years  of  neglect,  or  after  some  catastrophe, 
the  pavement  within  the  temple  area  was  lost  sight 
of,  and  then  began  the  slow  process  of  trampling 
the  accumulated  dust  and  dirt  into  the  ground 
floor.  The  gradual  rise  of  every  ancient  city  is  a 
well  -  recognized  fact.  In  Babylonia  mud  bricks 
were  largely  used  for  houses  and  other  building 
operations.  The  walls  from  time  to  time  were 
plastered.  As  the  mud  washed  down,  it  caused  the 
level  of  the  court  or  sidewalk  gradually  to  rise. 
It  is  well  known  that  the  level  of  the  streets  and 
alleys  rises  more  rapidly  than  the  ground  floors  of 
the  houses,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  floors  are 
swept,  and  little  attention  is  given  to  the  streets. 
In  consequence,  upon  entering  a  house  in  the  East 
of  to-day,  one  is  frequently  forced  to  step  down 
into  it.  And  when  the  floors  become  too  low  the 
roof  of  the  house  is  removed,  the  rooms  filled  in,  the 
wails  raised,  and  the  roof  replaced. 

3 


/ 


34  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

In  the  temple  court,  where  brick  pavements  were 
laid  by  certain  builders,  and  dirt  w^as  allowed  to 
accumulate,  the  level  rose,  but  only  after  the  pave- 
ment had  disappeared  from  view.  If  Ur-Ninib's 
pavement  had  been  kept  clear  for  the  greater  part 
of  the  period  following  him  until  Kadashman- 
Turgu's  time,  the  same  might  be  said  for  the  entire 
period  between  Sargon  and  Ur-Engur. 

It  is  claimed  by  some  that  because  of  the  difference 
in  the  writing,  paleographical  reasons  may  be  added 
to  prove  that  at  least  a  thousand  years  intervened 
between  these  two  rulers.  Such  arguments  are 
exceedingly  precarious,  as  the  character  of  the 
writing  is  practically  the  same.  Then  also  the  list 
of  rulers  known  to  the  present  time  between  Ur- 
Engur  and  Sargon  is  small,  if  more  than  a  thousand 
years  intervened.  Much  more  is  known  of  the 
preceding  and  subsequent  periods.  If  a  millennium 
did  intervene,  this  age  remains  the  least  known  of 
any  from  4500  B.  C.  down  to  the  Christian  era. 
Moreover,  instead  of  correcting  Nabonidus,  or 
guessing  at  the  length  of  this  period,  it  is  perhaps 
better  to  retain  the  date  3800  B.C.  for  Sargon  until 
more  light  is  thrown  upon  the  subject,  which  we 
may  expect  almost  any  day. 

On  the  third  campaign,  the  indefatigable  excavator 
Haynes  descended  through  Sargon 's  and  Naram- 
Sin's  pavement.  Several  feet  below  he  came  upon 
a  curb,  about  twenty  inches  high,  which  may 
have    served    as    an    enclosure     for    the     so-called 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man 


35 


altar/  which  was  found  on  the  same  level.  At  a 
distance  of  twelve  feet  below  Sargon's  pavement,  he 
found  a  vaulted  arch  of  burnt  bricks,  which  was 
built  in  a  wall  as  a  protection  to  pipes  which 
passed  beneath  it.- 


The  Archaic  Arch  of  Nippur. 


See  Hilprecht,  Old  Babylonian  Inscriptions,  Vol.  I,  part  2, 
page  24.  Later  it  was  regarded  as  a  crematorium.  See  Ex- 
plorations in  Bible  Lands,  page  458. 

See  ibid,  page  20.  Also  Fisher,  Transactions,  Department 
of  Archeology,   Vol.  I,  part  3. 


36 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


In  descending  to  virgin  soil,  the  excavator  found 
large  urns,  drains  of  various  kinds,  hundreds  of 
vases  filled  with  ashes,  pottery,  etc.  Between 
Naram-Sin's  pavement  and  virgin  soil,  he  reported 
thirty  feet  of  debris.     This  represents  the  accumu- 


Excavations  in  the  Temple  precincts  to  Virgin  soil. 

lations  of  ages,  and  prompted  Haynes  to  write  in 
one  of  his  reports  to  the  committee:  "We  must 
cease  to  apply  the  adjective  'earliest'  to  the  time 
of  Sargon,  or  to  any  age  or  epoch  within  a  thousand 
years  of  his  advanced  civilization."  In  other  words, 
he   found  that  instead   of   Sargon   and   Naram-Sin 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man 


37 


being  mythological  characters,  or  even  belonging 
to  the  dawn  of  civilization,  they  are  representatives 
of  a  highly  developed  culture.  This  was  one  of  the 
great  archeological  surprises  of  recent  decades. 

It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  length  of  the 
period  represented  by  the  thirty  feet  of  accumula- 
tion between  Naram-Sin's  pavement  and  virgin 
soil.  If  the  rate  of 
accumulations  was 
the  same  as  the 
period  subsequent  to 
Naram-Sin's  time,  it 
should  be  between 
two  and  three  millen- 
niums. Naturally, 
this  may  be  an  ex- 
travagant conjecture, 
but  nevertheless, 
there  is  every  reason 
to  believe  that  the 
period  is    an    indefi- 

•  .     1        1  Early  Sumerian  Marble  head  from  Nippur. 

nitely  long  one. 

What  kind  of  a  civilization  is  represented  by 
the  antiquities  which  belong  to  the  period  prior  to 
Sargon?  At  Nippur  the  objects  of  special  value, 
belonging  to  this  time,  are  mostly  inscribed  votive 
vases,  all  of  which  were  found  in  a  fragmentary 
condition.  Noteworthy  among  the  very  oldest 
might  be  mentioned  several  fragments  of  a  white 
calcite   stalagmite  vase,   bearing  an  inscription  of 


38  Li^lit  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


Enshagkushanna.  The  first  reads:  "To  En-hl 
{i.e.,  Bel),  king  of  lands,  En-shag-kush-an-na,  lord 

of  Kengi   king  of "     The 

second  reads:  "To  En-lil,  En-shag-kush-an-na,  the 
spoil  of  Kish  .  .  .  .,"  and  a  third:  "  .... 
The  spoil  of  Kish,  wicked  of  heart  he  presented" 
(see  ihustration  No.  2  on  page  39).  The  fragmen- 
tary legend  records  the  fact  that  this  ruler  had 
conquered  Kish,  and  from  the  spoil  he  presented  this 
vase  to  his  deity  at  Nippur. 

Two  fragments  (which  fit  together),  of  a  vase  of 
the  same  material,  also  found  in  the  temple  area, 
contain  the  following  inscription  of  Urzage  (formerly 
read  Urshulpauddu) :  "To  En-lil  {i.e.,  Bel)  king 
of  countries,  and  Nin-lil  {i.e.,  Beltis),  the  queen 
of  heaven  and  earth,  nun-ba-she-na-ni,  the  consort 
of  En-lil.  Ur-zage  king  of  Kish,  king  of  ...  . 
has    presented    it"    (see    illustration 

No.  3). 

Following  or  preceding  these  rulers  there  is  a 
clearly  established  line  of  kings  known  through  the 
excavations  of  the  French  at  Telloh:  Lugal-shag- 
Engur,  Ur-Nina,  Akurgal,  Eannatum,  Enannatum  I, 
Edingiranagin,  Entemena,  and  Enannatum  II, 
Urukagina,  etc. 

Art  treasures  belonging  to  these  rulers  are  now 
preserved  in  the  Louvre  at  Paris.  Among  other 
inscriptions  of  Ur-Nina,  who  devoted  considerable 
time  to  the  building  of  temples,  shrines,  and  store- 
houses, there  is  an  interesting  slab  about  eighteen 


c 
c 

en 

C 


EC 
M 


W 


o 


01 


> 


3 
> 


C 


40 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


inches  in  length.  A  hole  was  cut  in  the  center, 
presumably  for  the  purpose  of  hanging  it  upon  a 
peg  on  the  wall.  In  order  to  express  his  sovereignty, 
Ur-Nina  is  represented  as  a  giant,  while  his  eight 
sons  and  servants,  who  are  about  him,  are  depicted 


Votive  Slab  of  Ur-Nina  of  Lagash.     iSJ/s  in.  wide. 

as  dwarfs.  He  is  dressed  like  a  priest  or  temple 
servant,  with  short  hair,  and  naked  above  his  waist, 
in  order  to  express  humility  in  the  presence  of  his 
god.  Upon  his  head  he  holds  a  reed-basket.  Behind 
him,  in  the  lower  half  of  the  slab,  his  cupbearer  is 
in  the  act  of  pouring  out  wine.  The  beginning  of 
the  inscription  is  on  his  head,  as  if  it  represents 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man 


41 


what  he  has  to  say.  Besides  giving  his  title,  and 
the  names  of  temples  which  he  built,  the  name  of 
each   son   is   inscribed  on  his  respective  skirt. 


Votive  Slab  of  Ur-Enlil  of  Nippur.    8><  in.  wide. 

Belonging  to  this  age,  or  perhaps  an  earlier,  is 
a  small  limestone  slab,  somewhat  similar,  which 
was  found  at  Nippur.  In  the  upper  division, 
Ur-Enlil  stands  before  his  deity  with  a  libation 
vase  in  one  hand  and  an  offering  in  the  other. 
The  scene  was  duplicated  by  reversing  the  figures. 


42  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


"& 


The  inscription  reads:  "To  Ninni-Edin,  Ur-Enlil 
the  chief  merchant,  has  presented  it."  In  the  lower 
division  besides  two  figures  there  is  a  sheep  and  a 
goat.  One  of  the  figures  carries  a  square  basket  on 
his  head,  and  the  other  a  stick  in  his  hand.  The 
late  Professor  Cope  of  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania regarded  the  goat  as  a  domestic  hybrid,  and 
the  sheep  as  the  uriel,  now  known  in  Eastern  Persia, 
and  considered  that  the  animal  locomotion  as 
indicated  by  the  incised  lines  is  remarkably  well 
executed ;  and  yet  the  slab  belongs  to  this  early  age. 
The  fifth  son  of  Ur-Nina  who  was  Akurgal,  accord- 
ing to  the  arrangement  on  the  slab,  succeeded  him. 
He  is  not  represented  as  yet  by  any  inscriptions. 
Eannatum,  his  brother,  followed  his  reign.  The 
inscriptions  of  this  powerful  successor  record  a 
dispute  concerning  the  boundary  between  Shirpurla 
and  Gishkhu,  a  neighboring  city.  The  famous  stele 
of  vultures  commemorates  the  treaty  which  ensued. 
It  received  its  name  from  the  fact  that  at  the 
top  of  the  stone  there  are  carved  in  relief,  vultures 
carrying  away  parts  of  dead  bodies,  after  the  battle 
which  terminated  the  dispute.  Eannatum  was  a 
mighty  conqueror.  He  does  not  seem  to  have  in- 
herited the  peace-loving  spirit  of  his  predecessors. 
In  a  lengthy  inscription  he  tells  of  the  many  peoples 
he  subjugated,  and  the  cities  he  destroyed;  among 
which  are  Elam,  Erech,  Ur,  Larsa,  Gishkhu,  Kish, 
and  many  others,  a  number  of  which  have  not  as 
yet  been  identified. 


The  Great  Anticiiiity  of  Man  4?» 

Entemena  continued  this  warfare,  having  dif- 
ficulties on  account  of  the  same  boundary  and  the 
uprising  of  the  subjugated.  In  lengthy,  grandilo- 
quent records  he  recounts  his  victories,  and  mentions 
his  great  deeds. 

It  seems  that  Bel,  whose  seat  of  worship  was  at 
Nippur,  was  a  favored  deity  of  these  Shirpurla 
rulers ;  at  least  they  considered  that  it  was  he  who 
gave  the  power  into  their  hands  to  accomplish  their 
feats.  It  is  therefore  quite  proper  that  we  should 
expect  to  find  some  token  of  their  gratitude  in 
Bel's  sanctuary.  Among  the  discoveries  in  the 
temple  area  were  two  fragments  (see  illustration  page 
39,  No.  4)  which  read:  "Entemena,  the  Patesi 
of  Shirpurla,  to  whom  power  was  given  by  Bel, 
who  was  nourished  with  the  milk  of  life  by  Nin- 
kharsag  ....  of  Bel,  a  large  vase  from  the 
mountains  he  brought  to  Dungur,  the  lord  of  the 
foundation  of  heaven "  Other  frag- 
ments of  the  same  king  w^ere  found  in  later  exca- 
vations. 

Urukagina,  king  of  Shirpurla,  is  represented  by 
four  or  five  inscriptions  which  the  French  found  in 
the  ruins  of  that  city,  now  called  Telloh.  The  country 
seemed  to  be  at  peace  in  his  day.  He  showed  his 
piety  and  devotion  to  the  gods  by  building  temples, 
shrines,  palaces,  and  granaries  in  order  to  store  up 
the  abundance  of  the  land. 

A  contemporary  of  this  Telloh  ruler,  as  Thureau- 
Dangin,  the  savant  of  the  early  Sumerian  inscrip- 


44  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


^& 


tions  has  shown,  is  Lugal-zaggisi  (about  4000  B.  C), 
whose  vase  fragments  (see  iUustration,  page  39,  No.i) 
have  been  found  at  Nippur.  In  his  inscription^  he 
informs  us  that  he  was  the  son  of  a  priest;  that 
Bel  had  granted  him  the  kingship  of  the  world; 
that  he  had  made  him  the  spiritual  head  of  all  the 
peoples  of  his  kingdom;  that  he  had  conquered 
the  land  from  the  rising  of  the  sun  (Persian  Gulf) 
to  the  going  down  of  the  sun  (Mediterranean  Sea, 
see  page  138).  He  recounts  his  restoration  of  certain 
cities,  well  known  in  later  inscriptions,  as  Ur,  Larsa, 
etc.,  and  closes  with  a  prayer  to  Bel,  to  whom  he 
dedicates  the  vase. 

At  Nippur,  fragments  representing  quite  a  number 
of  additional  pre-Sargonic  kings  were  found.  Some 
of  these  contain  only  a  few  lines  of  inscriptions^, 
but  from  which  additional  names  of  rulers  and  per- 
sons are  obtained :  Utug,  Ur-Mama,  Lugal-kigub- 
nidudu,  Lugal-kisalsi,  Abaranna,  Lugal-ezen,  Aba- 
Enlil,  and  others.  Exactly  in  what  order  these 
names  are  to  be  placed,  or  whether  some  of  them 
should  be  placed  before  Urukagina,  remains  at  pres- 
ent uncertain. 


1  From  a  large  number  of  fragments,  small  and  large, 
Professor  Hilprecht  copied  this  inscription  of  about  one  hundred 
and  forty  short  lines.  See  Old  Babylonian  Inscriptions,  V'^ol. 
I,  part  2.  Thureau-Dangin  published  the  first  complete  trans- 
lation of  it  in  Revue  Semiliquc  d'Epigraphie  et  d'Historie 
Ancienne,   1897,  page  263  flf. 


'  Old  Babylonian  Inscriptions,  PI.  46  f. 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man 


45 


The  inscriptions  of  another  king  of  Kish,  which 
were  discovered  at  Nippur  and  Telloh,  deserve 
mention    in    this   connection.     Some  of  the  vases 


STONE  VOTIVE  SLAB. 

Inscription:     "To   Bel,  Lugal-kigubnidudu  has    presented    it."      Diameter, 

10  in.,  thickness,  2yz  in. 


are  more  than  half  preserved.  Some  bear  very 
brief  legends,  as  for  instance:  "Urumush  (or  Alu- 
sharshid) ,  king  of  Kish ; "  or    again :  "  To  the  god 


46 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


Bel,    Urumush,    king  of    Kish,   has    presented   it." 
The  longest  of    these  inscriptions  reads:  "To   Bel, 

Urumush,  king  of  Kish,  pre- 
sented it  from  the  spoil  of 
Elam,  when  Elam  and  Ba- 
rakhse  had  been  subjugated.  " 
Here  might  be  mentioned 
also  the  remarkable  block  of 
granite  known  as  the  Stele  of 
Manishtusu,  which  was  found 
b}^  de  Morgan  at  Susa,  and 
translated  by  the  indefatig- 
able Father  Scheil.  It  has 
about  two  thousand  lines  of 
inscription.  Manishtusu,  who 
lived  shortly  before  or  after 
Sargon  I,  purchased  a  large 
estate  for  his  son  Mesilim. 
A  present  was  given  the 
seller,  as  well  as  the  price 
which  was  paid.  This  custom  still  prevailed  in 
Neo-Babylonian  times.  In  the  transaction,  the 
land  w'as  estimated  at  corn  value,  and  the  price  of 
corn  was  fixed  according  to  the  silver  standard. 
A  regular  system  of  weights  w^as  in  existence,  which 
vvas  based  on  the  sexigesimal  system.  Besides  a 
regular  judiciary,  which  w^as  already  in  existence, 
over  forty  professions  are  mentioned.  In  all,  about 
five  hundred  names  appear  on  the  stone. 

We  have  thus  briefly  mentioned  the  pre-Sargonic 


Marble  Vase  of  Urumush. 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man  47 

inscriptions,  from  the  earliest  found  at  Nippur, 
which  was  perhaps  that  of  Enshagkushanna,  to 
that  of  Manishtusu  which  was  found  at  Susa. 
Whether  the  Esar '  statue,  found  at  Bismya,  is 
older,  as  has  been  claimed,  remains  to  be  deter- 
mined. Professor  Barton  of  Bryn  Mawr  published 
some  years  ago  what  is  known  as  the  Blau  monu- 
ment. It  antedated  everything  else  then  known. 
Recently  he  deciphered  tentatively  an  archaic 
tablet  belonging  to  the  E.  A.  Hoffman  Collection 
of  the  General  Theological  Seminary,  New  York, 
which  he  regards  as  being  still  older;  but  perhaps 
not  as  old  as  another  which  Father  Scheil  published 
from  Djocha. 

From  these  brief  extracts  of  inscriptions  belonging 
to  the  dust  of  ages,  we  get  here  and  there  a  glimpse 
of  light  for  the  period  prior  to  Sargon  I.  In  some 
instances,  perhaps,  an  isolated  name  on  a  fragment 
represents  a  dynasty.  All  of  which  impresses  us 
with  the  fact  that  while  we  have  reached  far  back 
into  the  misty  past,  the  oblivion  which  hides  the 
beginnings  of  the  human  race  seems  to  grow  deeper 
and  deeper.  Elam  is  already  a  recognized  power  in  the 
political  horizon.  The  inimical  relations  so  often 
displayed  in  the  succeeding  millenniums  have  been 
already  developed.  The  biblical  cities,  Erech,  Larsa, 
Ur,  and  Nippur  (which  according  to  the  Talmud  is 

1  Read  "Daudu"  or  "David"  by  the  discoverer.  The  Httle 
inscription  reads,  "  Esar,  the  mighty  king,  king  of  Adab."  See 
Hommel  in Thnrean-Dangin,  Lesinscriptions  de  Smner  et  d'Akkad. 


48  Lifflit  on  the  Old  Testament 


*& 


Calneh  of  Genesis  io:io),  and  other  cities,  with 
their  respective  temples,  storehouses,  and  deities, 
are  in  a  great  measure  practically  the  same  as  we 
know  them  in  later  periods.  The  Semites  are  already 
in  the  land.  It  is  scarcely  possible  that  they  entered 
during  this  known  age.  In  short,  from  the  archeo- 
logical  remains  of  this  period  we  are  impressed  with 
the  fact  that  the  civilization  of  that  age  is  practically 
the  same  as  that  met  in  the  succeeding  millenniums. 
The  great  antiquity  of  Babylonian  literature  is 
also  an  established  fact.  The  extant  inscriptions  of 
the  early  pre-Sargonic  age,  apart  from  the  deeds  and 
documents,  as  shown  above,  are  largely  of  a  histor- 
ical character,  such  as  brief  records  of  kings'  doings, 
in  which  they  magnify  themselves  for  their  pious 
deeds  in  building  or  restoring  temples  and  store- 
houses, or  in  which  they  recount  their  conquests 
of  neighboring  kings.  In  addition  they  inscribed 
brief  legends  consisting  of  their  names  and  titles 
upon  bricks,  gate  sockets  and  votive  objects.  Yet 
there  are  excellent  reasons  for  maintaining  that^ 
there  existed  in  this  age  also  a  considerable  propor- 
tion of  the  religious  texts,  such  as  epics,  hymns, 
incantations,  etc.,  some  of  which  are  recognized  as 
having  been  inscribed  in  the  Hammurabi  period, 
although  in  a  revised  form  to  suit  the  cult  or  cults 
of  that  time;  and  which  formed  also  to  a  large  ex- 
tent, the  basis  of  the  material  that  was  gathered 
centuries  later  for  the  famous  library  of  Ashurban- 
ipal.     In  offering  reasons  for  the  early  existence  of 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man  49 

these  texts,  reference  can  be  made  to  the  art  of  the 
early  period,  in  which,  for  instance,  scenes  from  the 
national  Gilgamesh  epic  are  depicted.  Incidental 
references  to  the  site  of  Eridu  at  the  head  of  the  Per- 
sian Gulf  would  point  to  a  great  antiquity,  since  in 
comparatively  early  times  the  Persian  Gulf,  because 
of  the  accumulation  of  soil,  had  already  receded  far 
from  the  city. 

The  fact  also  that  there  are  indications  that  in 
early  times  different  versions  of  the  creation  or 
Tiamatu  epic  existed  in  the  different  centers,  as  has 
been  so  forcibly  maintained  by  Professor  Jastrow 
(see  p.  60),  in  which  the  patron  deity  of  the  city 
was  made  the  hero,  besides  being  accommodated 
otherwise  to  the  cult  in  which  it  was  made  use  of, 
is  also  an  indication  of  great  antiquity.  This 
recasting  of  a  work  to  suit  the  cult  in  which  it 
was  used,  is  now  well  recognized.  The  Shurpii- 
Maklu  texts,  published  by  Zimmern,  originally  were 
Eridu  series  of  incantations,  which  had  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  god  Marduk  of  Babylon.  The  hymns 
published  by  Reisner,  which  were  found  in  Baby- 
lon, are  written  in  the  Neo-Babylonian  script,  but 
they  go  back  to  the  hymns  used  in  the  worship  oi 
Bel  at  Nippur  of  an  earlier  period.  Similarly,  many 
of  the  texts  in  the  library  of  Ashurbanipal,  though 
reverting  to  originals  in  the  temple  collection  in 
Babylon  may  be  traced  back  to  still  earlier  origi- 
nals at  Nippur,  Eridu,  Sippara  and  other  cities. 
This  finds  support  in  the  publication  quite  recently 

4 


50  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


"& 


of  an  incantation  tablet^  which  for  paleographical 
reasons  is  dated  at  3000  or  3500  B.  C,  and  in  which 
Ea  alone  is  worshiped.  Despite  this  early  age  there 
seem  to  be  reasons  for  regarding  even  this  tablet  an 
edition  of  a  still  older  original,  and  that  it  formed 
part  of  an  incantation  series.  Considering  also  that 
art,  writing  (see  below),  religion — in  a  word  the  entire 
culture  of  the  Semitic  Babylonian — is  based  upon 
that  of  the  earlier  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  it  is  a  rea- 
sonable conclusion  that  much  of  this  early  litera- 
ture goes  back  to  an  exceedingly  remote  antiquity. 
The  character  of  the  writing  of  this  early  age 
offers  another  weighty  argument  for  a  great  antiquity 
prior  to  that  now  known;  for  then  men  wrote 
their  thoughts  in  an  intelligible  and  permanent 
form.  The  script  used  by  the  Sumerians,  as  is  the 
case  with  every  writing,  goes  back  to  original 
hieroglyphs  or  pictorial  outlines  of  objects.  The 
Babylonians,  who  represent  the  fusion  of  the  Sume- 
rians and  Semites,  continued  to  em^ploy  the  script 
until  the  very  close  of  their  history.  The  characters 
in  the  earliest  inscriptions  known  are  so  far  removed 
from  what  they  were  originally  that  in  scarcely 
more  than  a  third  of  the  number  used  can  the  original 
pictures  be  determined.  The  way  these  are  recog- 
nized is  largely  by  inference  through  the  different 
values  the  characters  possess.    This  fact  determines 


^  Vincent   Brummer,    Recueil    de  Travaux  Rclatifs.     Volume 
xxviii.,   liv.  3   et  4. 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man  51 

for  us  that  between  the  introduction  of  this  system 
of  writing  and  the  date  of  the  earhest  inscriptions 
in  our  possession  a  very  long  period  intervened. 
Whether  the  originators  of  this  writing — which 
was  adapted  to  clay,  their  writing  material — 
were  the  first  to  invent  a  system;  whether  the 
Sumerians  who  occupied  the  country  prior  to  the 
Semites  will  eventually  be  regarded  as  one  of  the 
very  first  peoples  of  the  earth,  or  whether  a  civiliza- 
tion still  older  than  that  revealed  at  Telloh,  Nippur, 
Fara,  and  Bismya  will  be  resurrected,  further 
excavations  will  determine. 

A  linguistic  argument  may  be  added.  Five 
principal  Semitic  languages  are  recognized :  Baby- 
lono- Assyrian,  Aramaic,  Palestinian,  Arabic,  and 
the  Ethiopic.  All  scholars  agree  that  there  was  an 
original  Semitic  tongue  from  which  these  have 
sprung.  Taking  into  consideration  the  fixed  charac- 
ter of  the  Babylonian  language  in  the  earliest 
inscriptions;  that  the  grammar  already  shows 
phonetic  degeneration,  and  that  there  is  little 
difference  to  be  observed  in  the  language  nearly 
four  millenniums  later,  we  are  prompted  to  inquire : 
How  many  centuries  must  be  accounted  for  in  the 
history  of  this  tongue  since  its  separation  from  the 
original  Semitic  language,  when  their  common 
ancestors  used  a  common  tongue?  Besides  the 
Semitic  groups,  there  is  the  Aryan,  which  surely 
had  an  equal  antiquity,  not  to  mention  the  great 
unclassifiable  group,  the  so-called  Turanian,  to  which 


52  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  Sumerian  belongs.  And  again  we  ask  ourselves, 
What  is  the  length  of  the  period  prior  to  that  repre- 
sented by  the  earliest  known  of  these  groups  of 
tongues  ? 

The  work  of  the  craftsman  also  offers  interesting 
data  in  this  connection.  A  great  many  beautiful 
examples  of  the  work  of  the  silversmith  of  this 
early  age  have  been  preserved,  such  as  bowls,  vases, 
and  works  of  art.  A  beautiful  specimen  is  to  be 
found  in  the  silver  vase  dedicated  to  the  god  Nin- 
girsu  by  Entemena  (about  4100  B.  C),  which  was 
discovered  at  Telloh.  It  stands  on  a  bronze  pedestal 
with  four  feet.  A  votive  inscription  runs  about  its 
neck.  The  bowl  is  divided  into  two  compartments. 
In  the  upper  portion,  upon  the  flat  metal,  are  en- 
graved seven  heifers  lying  down,  but  with  the  right 
leg  extended  as  if  in  the  act  of  rising.  All  face  the 
same  direction.  In  the  lower  compartment  are 
four  eagles  with  extended  wings  and  tails,  practically 
identical  with  the  totem  or  coat  of  arms  of  Shirpurla. 
The  talons  of  each  of  the  four  eagles  are  clutching 
two  walking  animals,  which  have  their  backs  to 
each  other.  The  animals  represented  are  lions, 
goats,  and  stags.  Although  too  much  attention  has 
been  paid  to  detail,  the  whole  is  exceedingly  well 
rendered,  and  indicates  remarkable  skill,  which  in 
no  respect  is  less  striking  than  that  of  the  Egyptian 
contemporaries  in  this  handicraft. 

Notable  examples  of  work  in  bronze  are  a  few 
heads   of   animals   which   have   been   found.      Two 


Silver  Vase  of  Entemena,  with  the  Coat  of  Arms  of  Lagash. 


54 


Ligrht  on  the  Old  Testament 


goat  heads,  said  by  the  Arabs  who  found  them  to 
have  come  from  Abu  Hatab  or  Fara,  are  especially 
interesting.  The  composition  of  the  bronze  is: 
82.97  P^^  cent,  of  copper,  1.33  per  cent,  of  nickel, 
0.86  per  cent,  of  iron,  0.23  per  cent,  of  antimony, 


Bronze  Head. 


and  14.61   per  cent,  of  oxygen.'     The  heads  when 
found    were    heavily    incrusted    with    patina.      On 


'  See    Helm     and     Hilprecht,     Verhandlungen    der     Berliner 
anthropologischen  Gesellschaft,    1901,   p.    157 


The  Great  Antiquity  of  Man  55 

removing  this,  some  of  the  original  poHsh  was  still 
visible.  The  eyes  are  made  of  white  and  brownish 
shell,  laid  in  the  metal.  Around  the  neck  and  on 
the  side  of  the  nose  are  similar  ornamental  designs 
also  in  shell.  In  the  forehead  there  is  a  triangular 
design  in  mother-of-pearl,  which  is  also  inlaid  with 
brown  and  white  shell.  The  neck  of  the  animal  is 
hollow.  From  the  top  of  the  inside  near  the  opening 
a  pin  is  suspended.  This  is  either  for  the  purpose 
of  attaching  the  head  to  a  wooden  body,  which  had 
been  overlaid  with  the  same  material,  or,  more 
probably,  for  securing  the  head  to  the  wall.  Its 
design  and  execution  is  most  excellent.  It  is  a 
magnificent  piece  of  work  by  an  early  Babylonian 
or  Sumerian  master.  The  thought  uppermost  in 
mind,  in  considering  these  antiquities,  is  that  there 
was  a  long  period  of  development  before  such  a 
production  was  possible. 

The  work  of  the  lapidary  of  this  early  age  also 
deserves  consideration  in  this  connection.  As 
works  of  art,  according  to  our  standard,  owing  to 
the  exaggerated  prominence  of  muscles  and  the 
heaviness  of  form,  the  seal  cylinders  of  this  age 
would  be  considered  defective  from  an  anatomical 
point  of  view;  and  yet  the  boldness  in  outline  and 
the  fidelity  of  the  action  displayed  in  them  is  most 
remarkable.  They  call  forth  admiration  from  all 
who  are  competent  to  judge.  The  lapidist  must 
have  possessed  delicate  saws,  drills  and  other  tools. 
The  fact  is  that  the  skill  manifested  in  their  execu- 


56  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

tion  was  never  equaled  in  subsequent  Babylonian 
history,  and  can  scarcely  be  surpassed  in  the  present 
day  with  all  our  modern  improvements.  A  beautiful 
example  is  the  seal  cylinder  of  Ibni-sharru,  the  scribe 
of  Sargon.  It  depicts  Gilgamesh,  the  hero  of  the 
deluge  epic,  kneeling,  and  holding  in  his  hand  a 
peculiar  vase.  From  its  claws  two  jets  of  water 
stream  forth,  from  which  a  river  runs  through  the 
country.  Before  him  is  an  ox,  with  huge  horns, 
which  throws  back  its  head  to  one  side  in  order  to 
catch  the  water.  The  artistic  ingenuity  displayed 
in  metamorphosing  a  bit  of  stone  into  such  a  work 
of  art  is  remarkable;  and  yet  it  belongs  to  the 
Sargonic  period. 

How  radically  different  then  is  our  conception  of 
these  times  from  what  it  was  a  few  years  ago; 
especially  when  w^e  carry  ourselves  back  to  the 
fifth  millennium  before  Christ,  and  find  that  practi- 
cally every  antiquity  of  this  early  age  speaks  volumes 
for  the  enlightenment  and  the  advanced  civilization 
enjoyed  by  the  people !  We  do  meet  with  that  which 
would  be  regarded  as  primitive,  yet  the  culture  in 
general  with  which  we  become  acquainted,  com- 
parable in  many  respects  w4th  that  of  our  own, 
points  to  a  very  great  antiquity  back  of  what  we 
know  as  the  very  earliest.  They  make  us  long  for 
more  light ;  and  we  ask.  To  what  quarter  shall  we 
look  for  it?  Will  Nippur  yield  documents  still 
earlier  than  those  discovered?  Doctor  Haynes 
informs  us  that  he  excavated  to  virgin  soil  in  the 


M 


E 


J3 


i  -a 


58  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

temple  mound.  Will  excavations  in  some  other 
mound  yield  the  desired  light?  Later  inscriptions 
regard  Nippur  as  one  of  the  very  oldest  cities,  but 
this  may  be  due  to  its  great  prominence  in  later 
ages,  in  which  case  we  look  to  other  sites.  In  truth, 
as  has  been  stated,  earlier  inscriptions  have  been 
found;  and  there  doubtless  will  be  others  as  the 
work  of  excavations  continues. 


Ill 

THE    BABYLONIAN    CREATION 

STORY 

In  1875,  George  Smith  of  the  British  Museum 
announced  that  among  the  treasures  of  that  institu- 
tion which  had  been  excavated  in  Assyria,  he  had 
discovered  the  Chaldean  story  of  the  creation, 
and  that  it  closely  resembled  the  biblical  account. 
In  the  following  year  his  work,  "The  Chaldean 
Account  of  Genesis,"  appeared.'  The  tablets  had 
been  previously  disinterred  from  the  great  library 
which  had  been  founded  by  Ashurbanipal  (668-626 
B.C.). 

The  legend  had  been  transcribed  in  the  Assyrian 
characters  upon  several  tablets,  covering  in  all 
about  one  thousand  lines.  Including  the  fragments 
recently  published  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  L.  W.  King, 

1  Professor  Delitzsch,  in  1896,  published  all  the  known 
fragments  of  the  legend  with  a  critical  commentary,  in  his  work 
Das  babylonische  Weltschopfungsepos.  This  was  followed  by 
other  translations,  notably  by  Professor  Jensen,  Mythen  und 
Epen  (1900);  Professor  Zimmern's  appendix  to  Gunkel, 
Schopjimg  und  Chaos  in  Urzcit  und  Endzeit  (1895);  those  of  Drs. 
Sayce,  Pinches,  Jastrow,  Alfred  Jeremias;  and  especially  that 
of  the  Rev.  Mr.  King,  "The  Seven  Tablets  of  Creation"  (1902), 
who  succeeded  in  finding  in  the  collections  of  the  British  Museum 
no  less  than  twenty-eight  additional  fragments  of  the  epic. 

59 


60  Light  on  the  Okl  Testament 

of  the  British  Museum,  about  two-thirds  of  the  story 
has  been  recovered. 

The  chief  theme  of  the  epic  however,  instead  of 
being  the  creation  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth, 
is  the  glorification  of  the  god  Bel,  for  whose  name 
Marduk  was  later  substituted/  Apsu  and  Tiamat 
were  two  primeval  water  deities.  They  gave  birth 
to  the  gods  of  the  heavens.  The  latter  caused  the 
aboriginal  deities  much  disquietude,  whereupon  the 
former  decided  upon  their  destruction.  The  gods 
of  heaven  appointed  Marduk  to  fight  the  great 
Tiamat.  He  slew  her,  and  out  of  her  carcass  created 
the  heavens  and  the  earth.  Extracts  of  the  legend 
follow : 

When  above  heaven  was  not  named, 
And  the  earth  beneath  was  not  called  by  name, 
The  primeval  Apsu  was  their  begetter, 
Mummu  and  Tiamat  was  the  begetter  of  them  all; 
Their  waters  were  mingled  together  in  one  body; 
A  field  was  not  marked,  a  marsh  was  not  seen. 
When  the  gods  had  not  emerged, 

And  they  did  not  bear  a  name;   and  destinies  had  not  been 
fixed ; 


1  This  is  understood  to  have  taken  place  some  time  after 
Hammurabi  had  caused  the  worship  of  Marduk  at  Babylon  to 
supersede  that  of  Bel,  whose  sanctuary  was  at  Nippur.  It  has 
been  pointed  out  that  there  are  elements  in  the  story  of  two 
original  conflicts.  Professor  Jastrow  (see  "The  Composite  Char- 
acter of  the  Babylonian  Creation  Story,"  in  the  Oricntalischc  Stu- 
dien,  1906,  p.  969!?.)  has  recently  argued  that  there  are  traces 
of  a  third,  which  he  calls  the  Eridu  version. 


The  Babylonian  Creation  Story  61 

Then  the  gods  were  created  in  the  midst  [of  the  heavens;] 
Lakhniu  and  Lakhamu  were  called  forth. 

Time  passed 

Anshar  and  Kishar  over  them  [were  placed]. 

These  gods  are  followed  by  others  that  were  born 
to  Apsu  and  his  spouse  Tiamat.  The  gods  of  heaven, 
how^ever,  caused  them  unrest.  Apsu  in  his  complaint 
to  Tiamat  says : 

By  day  I  cannot  rest,  by  night  I  cannot  lie  down, 

I  will  surely  destroy  their  ways,  I  will  cast  them  down. 

They  held  a  consultation  with  reference  to  the 
destruction  of  the  gods,  so  that  they  might  have 
rest. 

Tiamat  advanced,  with  her  brood  banded  together 
by  her  side.  Fuming  and  raging,  they  became 
furious  in  their  preparations  for  battle.  Ummu- 
Khubur,  who  formed  all  things,  spawned  monster 
serpents  with  sharp  teeth,  and  merciless  fangs. 
Instead  of  blood  she  filled  their  bodies  with  poison. 
She  made  them  huge  in  stature,  and  endowed  them 
w4th  brilliance,  so  that  those  who  beheld  them 
might  be  overwhelmed  with  fear.  She  set  up  vipers, 
dragons,  raging  hounds,  and  scorpion-men  who 
bore  cruel  weapons.  Over  this  band  of  monsters 
she  exalted  Kingu,  her  first-born,  and  put  him  in 
command  of  the  conflict.  She  placed  the  tablet  of 
fate  in  his  bosom,  and  said  that  his  command  should 
be  irrevocable : 


/ 


62  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

"Let  the  opening  of  your  mouth  quench  the  Fire-god: 
The  one  who  is  exalted  in  the  battle,  let  him  [display 
(his)  might]." 

These  are  the  closing  lines  of  the  first  tablet. 

The  second  tablet  relates  how  Ea,  one  of  the  early 
triad  of  gods  (known  as  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea),  heard 
of  the  plot  against  all  the  gods  of  heaven.  Ea  told 
his  father,  Anshar,  all  that  Tiamat  had  done.  Filled 
with  rage,  he  bit  his  lip,  and  wailed  a  bitter  lamenta- 
tion. He  addressed  his  valiant  son  Anu,  and  com- 
manded him  to  go  and  stand  before  Tiamat,  that  she 
might  be  appeased,  and  be  merciful  unto  them. 
He  made  his  way  to  her;  he  beheld  her  muttering, 
but  he  could  not  understand  her,  so  he  turned  back. 
Ea,in  attempting  the  task,  became  afraid ;  whereupon 
he  also  turned  back.  Two  of  the  triad  having  been 
unsuccessful  in  their  efforts  to  bring  order  out  of 
chaos,  Anshar  finally  approached  Marduk,  and  asked 
him  to  be  the  champion  of  the  gods. 

The  original  of  this  particular  version  represented 
Bel  as  accomplishing  that  important  work.  Doubt- 
less in  this  form  the  myth  had  been  edited  by  a 
priest  of  Bel  at  Nippur.^  In  later  years,  after  the 
time  of  Hammurabi,  w^hen  Babylon  had  become 
the  great  political  and  religious  center,  the  name  of 
Marduk,  the  patron  god  of  that  city,  was  substi- 
tuted for  that  of  Bel.    He  was  placed  at  the  head  of 

^  As  has  been  suggested  by  Professor  Jastrow,  it  would  not 
be  surprising  to  find  other  versions,  for  instance,  at  Eridu,  in 
which  Ea  was  the  hero. 


The  Babylonian  Creation  Story  63 

the  pantheon,  and  made  the  creator  of  the  universe ; 
in  other  words,  he  was  given  the  role  originaUy 
played  by  Bel. 

Marduk  being  appealed  to,  drew  nigh  to  Anshar, 
his  father,  who  joyfully  beheld  him.  He  expressed 
the  desire  to  accomplish  what  was  in  his  father's 
heart.  Anshar  assured  him  that  he  would  trample 
the  neck  of  Tiamat  under  his  feet.  Whereupon 
Marduk  addressed  his   father   thus: 

Lord  of  gods,  the  destiny  of  the  great  gods 
If  indeed  I  your  avenger 
Conquer  Tiamat,  and  give  you  life, 
Call  an  assembly ;   pronounce  iba  of  my  fate. 
In  Upshukkinnaki  sit  together  in  joy; 
Let  my  word  like  yours  decree  fate; 
Let  everything  I  do  be  irrevocable; 
May  the  utterance  of  my  lips  neither  be  changed  nor 
revoked. 

The  third  tablet  opens  with  Anshar  commanding 
Gaga,  the  messenger,  to  summon  all  the  gods  to  a 
feast  in  order  that  they  might  place  their  fate  in 
the  hands  of  Marduk,  the  avenger.  He  is  commanded 
to  repeat  what  Tiamat  has  planned  to  do;  and  to 
mention  the  unsuccessful  efforts  of  Anu  and  Ea,  as 
well  as  the  acceptance  of  the  task  to  champion  the 
cause  of  the  gods  by  Marduk,  on  certain  conditions 
which  he  has  mentioned.  The  gods  are  therefore 
urged : 

Hasten  then;   your  fate  quickly  decree, 
That  he  may  go  and  tight  your  mighty  foe. 


64  Lisrlit  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


Gaga  in  carrying  the  message  faithfuhy  repeated 
everything  to  the  gods.  They  broke  out  in  bitter 
lamentations,  because  of  the  acts  of  Tiamat.  They 
gathered  together  for  an  assembly  in  the  presence  of 
Anshar.  At  the  banquet  they  sat  eating  and  drink- 
ing until  they  were  drunk,  when  they  decreed  the 
fate  of  Marduk,  their  avenger. 

In  the  fourth  tablet  the  gods  set  up  for  Marduk  a 
lordly  chamber,  placing  it  before  that  of  his  fathers. 
They  then  honored  him  by  proclaiming  him  chief 
of  the  gods.  His  commands  henceforth  should  be 
supreme ;  they  should  not  be  transgressed.  He  was 
given  power  to  exalt  or  debase. 

O  Marduk,  thou  art  our  avenger. 

We  give  thee  sovereignty  over  the  entire  world. 

This  was  followed  by  assurances  of  success.  And 
that  he  might  know  that  he  had  the  power,  they 
laid  before  him  a  garment.  At  their  suggestion  he 
spoke  the  word,  and  it  disappeared.  He  spoke  again, 
and  it  returned.  They  did  homage  unto  him. 
They  bestowed  upon  him  scepter,  throne,  and  ring, 
the  insignia  of  a  ruling  deity.  They  gave  him  an 
invincible  weapon,   to  cut  off  the  life  of  Tiamat. 

He  then  equipped  himself  with  bow  and  quiver, 
which  hung  by  his  side.  The  spear  he  slung  upon 
his  back,  and  he  grasped  the  club  in  his  right  hand. 
The  lightning  he  set  in  front  of  him.  With  a  flaming 
fire  he  filled  his  body.  To  enclose  the  inward 
parts  of  Tiamat  he  made  a  net.    In  order  to  prevent 


The  Babylonian  Creation  Story  65 

her  from  escaping  he  fixed  the  four  winds.  He 
created  seven  kinds  of  wind,  among  which  was  the 
evil  wind,  the  tempest,  the  hurricane,  and  the 
sevenfold  wind.  Standing  in  his  chariot,  with  four 
ferocious  horses  which  were  trained  to  trample  under 
foot,  and  with  an  overpowering  light  about  his  head, 


Fight  of  Marduk  and  Tiamat. 


and  his  thunderbolt  raised,  he  set  his  face  to  meet 
the  raging  Tiamat. 

At  the  sight  of  Marduk,  Kingu,  whom  Tiamat 
had  put  in  command  of  the  monsters,  became  dazed 
and  dumfounded :  and  his  followers  were  troubled. 
But  Tiamat  was  not  dismayed;  and  while  raging, 
she  heard  the  charges  of  Marduk  and  the  challenge. 

5 


66  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

"Let  thy  host  be  equipped,  let  thy  weapons  be  un- 
sheathed. 

Stand,  I  and  thou;   then  let  us  have  a  battle." 

When  Tiamat  heard  these  words. 

She  acted  like  one  possessed;    she  lost  her  senses. 

Ti&mat  shrieked  wild  piercing  cries. 

Trembling,  her  whole  frame  shook  to  its  very  founda- 
tions. 

She  uttered  an  incantation,  she  pronounced  her  spell; 

And  the  gods  of  the  battle  put  into  action  their  weapons. 

To  the  fight  they  came  on ;  to  the  battle  they  advanced. 

The  lord  spread  out  his  net,  and  inclosed  her. 

The  evil  wind  that  was  behind  [him],  he  let  loose  in 
her  face 

As  Tiamat  opened  her  mouth  to  its  full  extent, 

He  drove  in  the  evil  wind,  before  she  could  shut  her 
lips. 

The  terrible  winds  filled  her  belly. 

Her  courage  left  her,  and  her  mouth  she  opened  wide. 

He  seized  the  spear,  and  burst  her  belly; 

He  severed  her  inward-parts;   he  pierced  her  heart. 

He  overpowered  her,  and  cut  off  her  life; 

He  threw  down  her  body,  and  stood  upon  it. 

After  he  had  slain  Tiamat,  her  helpers  turned 
back,  and  to  save  their  lives  took  to  flight,  but  he 
captured  them  in  the  net,  and  held  them  in  bondage. 
The  eleven  monsters  he  placed  in  fetters,  and 
trampled  them  under  his  feet.  Kingu  was  con- 
quered; after  which  he  took  from  him  the  tablets 
of  destiny,  upon  which  he  fixed  his  seal,  and 
put  them  upon  his  own  breast.  He  then  turned  to 
the  conquered  Tiamat.  With  his  merciless  club  he 
smashed  her  skull,  and  made  the  north  wind  bear 
away  her  blood  to  secret  places.     This  his  fathers 


The  Babylonian  Creation  Story  67 

saw,  who  rejoiced  and  were   glad.     As  the   victor 
gazed  upon  her  carcass  he  devised  a  clever  plan : 

He  split  her  up  like  a  flat(?)  fish  into  two  parts. 
He  took  one  half  and  established  a  covering  for  heaven. 
He    arranged    a    bolt;  he    stationed    a    watchman; 
And  that  her  waters  come  not  forth  he  commanded 

them. 
He  crossed  over  the  heavens;  he  inspected  the  regions. 
Before  the  abyss  he  built  a  dwelling  for  Nudimmud 

[i.  e.,  the  god  Ea],  etc. 

The  fifth  tablet,  which  is  quite  fragmentary, 
describes  the  creation,  and  the  fixing  of  the  heavenly 
bodies. 

He  made  the  stations  for  the  great  gods; 

The   stars,    their   images,    the   constellations   he   fixed. 

He  ordained  the  year,  and  into  sections  he  divided  it, 

The  twelve  months  he  fixed  by  three  stars; 

And  after  the  days  of  the  year  he  fixed  by     .... 

He  established  the  station  of  Nibir  to  determine  their 
bounds, 

In  order  that  none  might  err,  or  go  astray. 

The  stations  of  Bel,  and  of  Ea,  he  established  along 
with  him. 

He  opened  gates  on  both  sides; 

He  strengthened  the  bolt  on  the  left,  and  on  the  right. 

In  the  midst  of  it  he  fixed  the  zenith; 

Nannar  [the  Moon  god]  he  caused  to  shine  forth;  the 
night   he   entrusted  [to   him]. 

He  appointed  him  a  luminary  for  the  night,  to  deter- 
mine the  days; 

Monthly,  without  ceasing,  with  the  disc  he  fashioned 
[it,  saying]: 

At  the  beginning  of  the  month,  as  thou  riseth  upon  the 
land. 

The  horns  are  to  announce  the  fixing  of  the  six  days. 

On  the  seventh  day,  half  the  disc,  etc. 


68 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


The  greater  portion  of  this  tablet  is  fragmentary. 
It  is  supposed  to  have  referred  to  the  creation  of 
the  earth  and  vegetation. 

Unfortunately  only  the  beginning  of  the  sixth 
tablet  has  been  preserved;    but  there  is  enough  to 


Fragment  of  the  Sixth  Tablet  of  the  Babylonian  Creation  Series,  Recording 

the  Creation  of  Man. 

show  that  it  refers  to  the  creation  of  man,  in  order 
that  the  gods  might  have  worshipers. ' 

When  Marduk  heard  the  words  of  the  gods, 

His  heart  prompted  him,   and  he  devised  [a  cunning 

plan].' 

1    The  restoration  and  translation  follow  King,      The  Seven 
Tablets  of  Creation. 


The  Babylonian  Creation  Story  69 

He  opened  his  mouth  and  unto  Ea  he  spoke, 
[That   which]   he   had   conceived   in   his   heart   he   im- 
parted [unto  him]: 
"My  blood  will  I  take  and  bone  will  I  [fashion]; 

I  will  make  man,  that  man  may " 

I  will  create  man  who  shall  inhabit  [the  earth], 
That  the  service  of  the  gods  may  be  established  and 
that  [their]  shrines  [may  be  built]. 

The  seventh  tablet,  known  as  the  tablet  of  the 
fifty  names  of  Marduk,  is  entirely  devoted  to  the 
glorification  of  this  deity  by  the  other  gods  as  well 
as  by  mankind,  for  his  wonderful  achievements. 
In  the  poem  he  is  set  forth  as  the  creator  of  the  heav- 
ens and  earth,  the  giver  of  fulness  and  abundance, 
who  bestowed  mercy  upon  mankind,  and  w^ho 
shepherds  the  gods.  The  epilogue  is  an  appeal  to 
the  wise  and  the  understanding  to  study  the  poem, 
to  remember  Marduk's  deeds,  to  teach  them,  and 
to  rejoice  in  him. 

There  are  passages  in  the  poetical  portions  of  the 
Old  Testament  which  Professor  Gunkel  of  Berlin 
has  brought  together,  in  his  work  "  Schopfung  und 
Chaos,"  to  show  that  in  Israel  such  a  conflict,  prior 
to  the  creation,  w^as  known,  although  it  is  not  men- 
tioned in  Genesis.  Jahweh  is  represented  as  having 
contended  with  a  great  primeval  monster,  who  is 
called  in  some  passages  Rahab,  and  in  others 
Leviathan,  Tihom,  and  the  Dragon.  This  being 
seems  to  symbolize  the  chaos,  or  to  personify  the 
primeval  ocean,  which  preceded  the  creation.  In 
this  conflict  the  hostile  creature  and  its  helpers  are 


70  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

overthrown,  after  which  the  heavens  and  earth  are 
created.  The  most  noteworthy  of  these  passages 
follow : 

Psalm  89 :  9.       When  the  waves  thereof  arise,  thou  [Jahweh] 

stillest  them. 
Thou  hast  broken  Rahab  in  pieces,  as  one 

that  is  slain; 
Thou  hast  scattered  thine  enemies  with  the 

arm  of  thy  strength. 
The   heavens    are   thine,    the   earth   also   is 

thine: 
The   world    and   the    fulness    thereof,   thou 

has  founded  them. 
The  north  and  the  south,  thou  hast  created 

them. 

The  prophet  in   his  appeal  for  deliverance  cries: 

Isaiah  51:9         Arise,    arise    put    on    strength,    O    arm    of 
Jahweh; 
Arise  as  in  the  days  of  old,  the  generations  of 

ancient  times. 
Art  thou  not  he  who  cut  Rahab  in  pieces, 

pierced  the  dragon? 
Art  thou  not  he  who  dried  up  the  sea,  the 

waters  of  the  great  Tihom, 
Who  made  the  depths  of  the  sea  a  way  for 

the  redeemed  to  pass  over? 

The  last  verse  manifestly  is  an  allusion  to  the 
passage  of  the  Red  Sea,  which  the  writer  added  to 
his  cosmological  references. 

Job  26:  12  He  stirreth  up  the  sea  with  his  power, 

And     by     his     understanding     he     smiteth 

through  Rahab. 
By   his   spirit   the   heavens   are   garnished; 
His   hand   hath   pierced  the  swift  serpent. 


The  Babylonian  Creation  Story  71 

Psalm  74:  13      Thou  didst  divide  the  sea  by  thy  strength: 
Thou  brakest  the  heads  of  the  dragons  in  the 

waters. 
Thou  breakest  the  heads  of  Leviathan  in 

pieces.  .     . 

The  day  is  thine,  the  night  also  is  thine: 
Thou  hast  prepared  the  light  and  the  sun. 
Thou  hast  set  all  the  borders  of  the  earth: 
Thou  hast  made  summer  and  winter. 

These  and  other  passages,  which  are  quoted  in 
this  connection  by  Gunkel,  show  that  there  existed 
in  Israel  the  belief  that,  preceding  the  creation  of  the 
heavens  and  the  earth,  there  was  a  great  struggle 
between  Jahweh  and  some  primeval  monster,  with 
whom  were  associated  other  beings  termed  dragons. 

The  first  chapter  of  Genesis  contains  some  elements 
which  are  similar  to  the  Babylonian  legend.  The 
latter  contains  references  to  the  creation  of  the 
earth;  to  the  heavenly  bodies,  as  well  as  their  pur- 
pose, namely,  to  rule  by  day  and  night;  and  finally 
to  the  creation  of  man.  Doubtless,  if  the  tablets 
were  complete,  the  creation  of  the  living  creatures 
of  the  land  and  sea,  besides  other  details  mentioned 
in  Genesis,  could  be  found;  some  of  these  were 
actually  given  by  the  Greek  historian  Berosus 
(about  300  B.  C),  who  in  his  day,  doubtless  closely 
reproduced  the  Babylonian  legend.  But  these 
resemblances  are  not  remarkable,  for  we  should 
expect  them  to  occur  in  any  two  stories  of  the  crea- 
tion that  might  be  written,  although  from  entirely 
different  quarters,  and  having  absolutely  no  con- 


72  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

nection  with  each  other.  The  creation  story  of 
Genesis,  while  it  makes  no  reference  to  the  conflict 
between  Jahweh  and  the  primeval  power  referred 
to  in  other  parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  does  mention 
a  chaotic  state,  an  abyss  of  waters,  prior  to  the 
creation  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth.  The  word 
translated  "deep"  {Tihom,  Genesis  1:2),  by  which 
is  meant  the  primeval  ocean,  is  generally  recognized 
to  be  the  same  as  the  Babylonian  Ti'dmat  or 
Tidmat,  which  is  equivalent  to  the  feminine  of  the 
Hebrew  Tihom.  The  absence  of  the  definite  article 
in  Genesis,  as  well  as  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament, 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  w^ord  was  also 
regarded  as  a  proper  name.  The  dividing  asunder  of 
Tiamat's  carcass,  one  part  of  which  was  used  as  a 
cover  to  keep  back  the  upper  waters,  and  the  other 
half,  as  the  version  of  Berosus  adds,  formed  the 
earth,  suggests  the  Hebrew  raqta'  "firmament," 
which  "divided  the  waters  which  were  under  the 
firmament  from  the  waters  which  were  above  the 
firmament."  But,  as  stated.  Genesis  makes  no 
reference  to  a  conflict  which  God,  the  Creator,  had 
with  Tihom  prior  to  the  creation  of  the  heavens  and 
the  earth.  The  passages  from  other  books  of  the 
Old  Testament,  however,  cited  by  Professor  Gunkel, 
manifestly  do  refer  to  such  a  conflict. 

Upon  the  differences  of  the  two  stories  we  need  not 
dwell.  The  crude  polytheistic  grotesqueness  of 
the  Babylonian,  with  its  doctrine  of  emanation  or 
evolution  from  chaos  to  order,  which  makes  the  gods 


The  Babylonian  Creation  Story  73 

emerge  from  this  chaos,  or  brings  the  firmaments  out 
of  a  carcass,  put  it  altogether  into  another  class; 
and  it  is  in  no  respect  to  be  compared  with  the 
dignified  and  sublime  conception  of  the  beginning  of 
things,  with  God  as  the  supreme  Creator,  who  called 
all  things  into  existence.  Further,  its  crude  refer- 
ences to  the  creation  are  only  incidentally  a  part  of 
the  epic.  Its  manifest  purpose  is  to  magnify 
the  god  Marduk,  in  order  to  give  him  pre-eminence 
above  the  other  gods.  To  this  end  he  is  regarded 
not  only  as  the  creator  of  the  universe,  with  all  its 
phenomena  and  the  laws  which  control  it,  but  he 
is  made  the  supreme  one  of  all  the  gods.  In  short, 
a  more  appropriate  title  for  the  epic  would  be, 
The  story  of  Marduk  and  the  Dragon. 

The  question  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  those 
who  take  these  things  into  consideration  is.  What 
relation  has  the  one  account  to  the  other?  Three 
possibilities  are  usually  recognized:  The  Hebrew 
borrowed  from  the  Babylonian;  or  the  Babylonian 
borrowed  from  the  Hebrew ;  or  they  have  a  common 
origin. 

It  is  admitted  that  the  Babylonian  belongs  to  a 
period  even  prior  to  Abraham.  Besides  other  reasons 
it  might  be  mentioned  that  the  fight  was  a  favorite 
theme  of  Babylonian  art  centuries  before  the  patri- 
arch's day.  In  consequence,  scholars  generally 
conclude  that  the  Babylonians  did  not  borrovv^  from 
the  Hebrews.  In  support  of  their  contention  that 
the  reverse  is  true,  the  close  relation  of  the  biblical 


74  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

and  Babylonian  deluge  stories  is  cited,  as  well  as 
the  fact  that  Babylonian  literature,  to  a  certain 
degree,  pervaded  the  West-land,  especially  in  the 
period  when  its  language  was  used  for  diplomatic 
and  friendly  intercourse  between  nations.  This  is 
evident  from  the  discovery  of  Babylonian  myths  in 
Egypt,  used  as  exercises  to  learn  the  Babylonian 
language  in  the  Amarna  period  (see  page  253). 
Further,  some  scholars  fix  its  ultimate  origin  in 
Babylonia  because  of  the  idea  of  the  watery  chaos, 
inasmuch  as  that  country  was  subject  to  great 
inundations;  and  because  tidmat  is  the  Babylonian 
word  for  sea  as  well  as  the  name  of  the  monster. 
While  these  arguments,  if  carefully  analyzed, 
will  be  found  to  have  at  least  some  force,  it  is  not 
at  all  impossible  that  at  some  time,  perhaps  long 
before  the  patriarch's  day,  this  legend  found  its 
way  from  Babylonia  to  Palestine.  It  may  have  been 
transmitted  by  Abraham  himself.  That  being  true, 
such  borrowing  or  making  use  of  what  preceded  is 
in  no  respect  foreign  to  the  principle  of  Israel,  which 
utilized  in  its  own  spirit  for  the  embodiment  of 
religious  truths  that  which  even  had  its  origin  in 
antiquity  (see  page  12);  so  that  it  might  be  held, 
with  some  scholars,  that  while  there  are  only  faint 
traces  of  that  which  is  similar  to  the  conflict  in 
Genesis,  the  omission  may  be  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  story  has  been  purified  or  transformed,  during 
a  long  period  of  naturalization,  when  it  was  made  to 
harmonize    with    Israel's    theological    conceptions. 


The  Babylonian  Creation  Story  75 

And  yet  it  is  also  quite  within  the  range  of  possi- 
bihty  and  reasonableness  to  conceive  the  idea  that 
both  stories  have  a  common  origin  among  the 
Semites,  who  entered  Babylonia  prior  to  their 
amalgamation  with  the  Sumerians,  and  who  may 
have  also  carried  their  traditions  into  Palestine. 
Contrary  to  the  view  held  by  some  critics,  that  the 
Hebrew  story  belongs  to  the  time  of  the  exile  or 
after,  there  are  indications  that  it  belongs  to  a  great 
antiquity.  And  it  is  also  possible  that  in  some  way, 
unknown  to  us,  it  had  been  handed  down  in  a  form 
more  or  less  free  from  the  fantastically  polytheistic 
features   of   the   Babylonian   version. 

Between  two  and  three  millenniums  before 
Abraham,  Semites  entered  the  Tigro- Euphrates 
valley,  after  which  the  amalgamation  of  the  Sumerian 
and  Semitic  cultures  began,  resulting  in  w^hat  we 
call  Babylonian.  Whence  these  Semites  came,  no 
one  knows.  Some  scholars  conjecture  that  their 
original  home  was  Arabia;  others,  Armenia.  In 
Abraham's  age  there  was  another  Semitic  invasion, 
as  is  attested  by  the  many  names  of  the  Western 
Semites  (see  page  146).  In  the  late  Achsemenian 
period  we  find  the  country  again  filled  with  these 
people  (see  Chap.  XV).  Taking  these  things  into 
consideration,  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  idea  of  a 
conflict  with  this  primeval  power  of  darkness,  which 
perhaps  is  echoed  in  the  New  Testament  doctrine 
of  evil  angels,  was  brought  into  Shinar  or  Babylonia, 
as  well  as  into  Palestine  by  the  Semites  themselves; 


76  Lisrlit  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


in  which  case  it  would  have  found  its  way  into 
Canaan  millenniums  prior  to  the  time  the  story 
assumed  the  form  in  which  it  is  preserved  in  the 
Old  Testament. 

For  the  present,  however,  in  the  absence  of  any 
light  on  the  subject  from  archeological  sources, 
we  can  only  point  to  the  relation  of  the  one  story  to 
the  other,  the  fact  that  the  Babylonians  possessed 
the  tradition  prior  to  the  beginnings  of  Israel,  and 
then  add  our  hypotheses.  But  we  insist  that  it 
must  be  clear  that  there  are  no  grounds  for  the 
radical  conjectures  on  the  subject  made  by  some 
scholars;  and  that  while  we  are  compelled  to  un- 
learn some  things,  and  set  aside  certain  traditional 
views,  absolutely  nothing  has  been  found  which 
compels  the  Christian  to  lessen  his  respect  and 
admiration  for  the  sublime  story  of  the  creation 
which  has  been  handed  down  to  us  by  the  Hebrews. 


IV 
THE  BABYLONIAN   DELUGE   STORY 

The  story  of  Gilgamesh  (formerly  known  as  ^ 
Izdubar  and  also  Nimrod)  was  a  great  national 
epic  of  Babylonia.  It  consisted  of  twelve  tablets 
which  contained  about  three  thousand  lines  of 
inscription.  The  fragments  which  have  been  found 
of  this  work  show  that  they  represent  four  dif- 
ferent copies;  and  that  they  belonged  to  the 
Library  of  Ashurbanipal,  in  Nineveh.^  This  is 
determined  by  the  colophons  found  on  several  of 
the  tablets. 

At  some  early  date,  presumably  before  the  ascend- 
ancy of  Babylon  (2100  B.  C),  a  number  of  myths 
and  current  traditions  were  brought  together  and 
woven  into  one  long  epic,  which  narrates  the  ex- 
ploits of  Gilgamesh.  The  eleventh  tablet,  which  is 
a  separate  episode,  is  especially  interesting  to 
biblical  students,  as  it  contains  the  Babylonian  story 


1  The  late  George  Smith,  in  1872,  made  the  first  translation 
of  this  epic.  Only  about  one  half  of  the  story  has  been  recovered 
up  to  the  present  time.  In  1885  Professor  Delitzsch  published 
the  text  of  the  section  dealing  with  the  deluge.  This  was  followed 
in  1890  by  a  critical  edition  of  the  entire  text  by  Professor  Paul 
Haupt.  More  recent  translations  worthy  of  note  have  been 
made  by  Dr.  A.  Jeremias  and  Professor  Jensen. 

77 


78  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


of  the  deluge.  Most  nations  of  antiquity  have 
preserved  a  flood  story,  but  the  only  one  which  has 
any  close  resemblance  to  the  biblical  is  this  one, 
namely,  the  Babylonian.  The  following  are  extracts 
from  the  eleventh  tablet: 


Ut-napishtini  said  to  him,  even  to  Gilgamesh; 

Let    me    reveal    unto     thee,    O    Gilgamesh,    a    secret 

story. 
And  the  decree  of  the  gods  let  me  relate  to  thee! 
Shtirippak,  a  city  which  thou  knowest, 
On  the  bank  of  the  Euphrates  is  situated; 
That  city  was  old  when  the  gods  within  it 
To  bring  about  a  flood  their  hearts  urged  them,  even 

the   great  gods. 
In  it,   their  father  Anu,   their  counselor,   the  warrior 

Bel, 
Their  herald,  Ninib; 
Their  champion,  Ennugi; 
Ea,  the  lord  of  glowing  wisdom,  had  argued  with  them, 

and 
Their  purpose  he  repeated  to  a  Reed-house: 
Reed-house!     Reed-house!     Wall!     Wall! 
Reed-house,  hear;   and  Wall,  give  attention! 
Man  of  Shurippak,  son  of  Ubar-Tutu, 
Build  a  house,  construct  a  ship! 
Leave  possessions,  seek  life! 
Abandon  property,  and  preserve  life! 
Cause  to  go  into  the  ship  seed  of  life  of  every  kind! 
As  for  the  ship  which  thou  shalt  build, 
Let  its  dimensions  be  measured. 
Let  its  breadth  and  its  length  be  proportioned  to  each 

other. 
Into  the  deep  launch  it ! 
I  understood,  and  said  unto  Ea  my  lord: 
"The  command,  my  lord,  which  thou  speakest  thus, 
I  will  honor,  I  will  fuUil  it! 


The  Babylonian  Deluge  Story.    The  Eleventh  Tablet  of  the  Gilgamesh  Epic. 


80  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

But  what  shall  I  answer  to  the  city,  the  people  and  the 

elders?" 
Ea  opened  his  mouth,  and  said: 
He  said  to  mc  his  servant: 
Man,  thou  shalt  thus  answer  them: 
Bel  hath  rejected  me  and  hateth  me. 
I  will  not  dwell  in  your  city, 
And  on  the  land  of   Bel   I   will  show  no  [more]  my 

countenance, 
I  will  go  down  to  the  deep;    with  Ea,   my  lord,  will 
I  live. 

On  the  fifth  day  I  constructed  its  frame; 

Its  sides  were  140  cubits  high; 

Its  deck  was  likewise  140. 

I  laid  down  its  form,  I  fashioned  it; 

I  divided  its  hull(?)  into  six  sections 

I  divided  its  upper  deck  into  seven  compartments; 

Its  main  deck  I  divided  into  nine  chambers. 

With  water-pegs  on  the  inside  I  caulked  it. 

I  selected  a  mast;    and  added  all  that  was  necessary. 

Six  sars  of  bitumen  I  smeared  over  the  outside. 

Three  sars  of  bitumen  I  smeared  over  the  inside. 

With  all  that  I  possessed  I  loaded  it; 

With  all  the  gold  I  had  I  loaded  it; 

With  all  that  I  had  of  the  seed  of  life  of  every  kind  I 

loaded  it ; 
I  put  into  the  ship  all  my  family  and  my  dependents; 
The  cattle  of  the  field,  the  beasts  of  the  field,  craftsmen, 

all  of  them  I  brought  up. 
Shamash  had  fixed  a  time  [saying]: 
"When  the  sender  of  darkness  at  night  shall  send  a 

destructive  rain, 
Enter  into  the  ship  and  close  the  door! " 
That  time  arrived. 

The  sender  of  darkness  at  even  sent  a  destructive  rain. 
I  looked  upon  the  appearance  of  the  day; 
I  was  afraid  to  look  upon  the  day. 


The  Babylonian  Deluge  Story  81 

I  entered  the  ship,  and  closed  the  door. 

To  the  pilot  of  the  ship,  to  Buzur-Bel,  the  sailor, 

I  entrusted  the  great  house,  together  with  its  freight. 

When  the  first  break  of  dawn  appeared. 

There  rose  from  the  horizon  a  black  cloud; 

In  which  Ramman  thundered. 

Like  a  battle  against  the  people  it  came  on. 

A  brother  could  not  look  after  his  brother. 

The  people  in  heaven  could  not  be  seen. 

Even  the  gods  were  afraid  of  the  flood,  and 

They  retreated;  they  ascended  to  the  heaven  of  Anu. 

The    gods    cowered    like    dogs;     in    terror    they    lay 

down. 
Ishtar  screamed  like  a  woman  in  travail ; 
The  lady  wailed  with  a  loud  voice  [saying]: 
"Oh,  that  the  former  day  had  been  turned  to  clay, 
When  I  in  the  assembly  of  the  gods  had  advised  this 

evil. 
Yea,  when  I  ordered  the  tempest  for  the  destruction 

of  my  people. 
I  truly  will  give  birth  to  my  people  [again],  and 
Like  a  fish  brood  will  I  fill  the  sea." 
The  gods  of  the  Anunnaki  wept  with  her; 
The  gods  were  downcast,  they  sat  weeping; 

Closed  their  lips 

Six  days  and  nights, 

The  wind  continued;    flood  and  tempest  overwhelmed 

the  land. 
At  the  approach  of  the  seventh  day,  the  tempest,  the 

flood  and  the  storm  which   had   raged  like   khalti 

subsided. 
The  sea  became  quiet,   the  tempest  ceased,   and  the 

flood  was  over. 
I  looked  upon  the  sea,  [its]  voice  was  fixed  (_silent) ; 
And  all  mankind  had  returned  to  mud. 
And  as  the  light  of  day  advanced,  T  prayed. 
I    opened    the   window,   and   the   light  fell  upon   my 
cheeks. 

6 


82  Light  on  the  Okl  Testament 

I  collapsed.  I  sat  weeping. 

Over  my  cheeks   (wall  of  my  nose)   flowed  my  tears. 

I     looked     upon     the     quarters     of    the     expanse    of 

the   sea. 
After  the  twelfth  [double-hour?]  a  land  appeared. 
On  mount  Nizir  the  ship  grounded. 
Mount    Nizir    held    the    ship,    and    did    not    sufi'er    it 

to   move. 
The  first  day,  the  second  day.  Mount  Nizir  held,  etc. 
The  third  day,  the  fourth  day,  Mount  Nizir  held,  etc. 
A  fifth,  a  sixth.  Mount  Nizir  held,  etc. 
As  the  seventh  day  approached 
I  brought  out  a  dove,  [and]  let  it  go. 
The  dove  went  forth,  [but]  turned; 
A  resting-place  there  was  not,  and  it  returned. 
I  brought  out  a  swallow,  [and]  let  it  go. 
The  swallow  went  forth,  [but]  turned; 
A  resting-place  there  was  not,  and  it  returned 
I  brought  out  a  raven,  [and]  let  it  go: 
The  raven  went  forth;    it  noticed  the  drying  up  of  the 

water,  and 
It  ate,  waded, (?)  croaked,  but  did  not  return. 
Then  I  brought  out  [everything]  to  the  four  winds; 

[and]  I  offered  a  sacrifice. 
I  prepared  a  libation  upon  the  summit  of  the  moun- 
tain. 
Seven  by  seven  adagur  pots  I  set. 

Into   them    I    poured    reeds,    cedar-wood    and  myrtle. 
The  gods  smelt  the  savor, 
[Yea],  the  gods  smelt  the  sweet  savor; 
The  gods  swarmed  like  flies  over  the  sacrificer. 
As  soon  as  the  lady  of  the  gods  drew  nigh. 
She  lifted  up  the  great  gems,   which  Anu  had  made 

according  to  her  wish. 
"These  gods,  verily,  by  the  precious  stone  of  iny  neck  I 

will  never  forget, 
These  days,  truly  I  will  remember,  I  will  never  forget. 
Let  the  gods  come  to  the  offering. 
Bel  [however]  shall  not  come  to  the  offering. 


The  Babylonian  Deluge  Story  83 

Because,  without  taking  counsel,  he  caused  the  deluge, 

And  numbered  my  people  for  destruction." 

[But]  as  soon  as  Bel  appeared,  he  saw  the  ship.      Bel  was 

wroth. 
He   was  filled  with   anger  [like   that]  of  the   gods, — 

the  Igigi. 
"Has  any  soul  escaped? 

Not  a  man  was  to  escape  from  destruction." 
[Then]  Ninib  opened  his  mouth  and  spoke, 
Saying  to  the  warrior  Bel: 

"Who  except  Ea  could  have  planned  this  thing! 
For  Ea  knows  all  arts." 


The  so-called  Babylonian  Scene  of  the  Fall  of  Man.     An  impression  of  a  seal 
cylinder,  with  Sacred  Tree,  Fruit,  and  Serpent. 

[Then]  Ea  opened  his  mouth  and  spoke,  saying  to  the 

warrior  Bel: 
"Thou  sage  of  the  gods,  O  warrior, 
How,  why,  without  taking  counsel,  didst  thou  cause  a 

flood. 
Upon  the  sinner,  lay  his  sin! 
Upon  the  guilty,  lay  his  guilt! 

[But]  free  [him]!  let  him  not  be  cut  off!  draw     .     .     . 
Instead  of  thy  causing  a  flood, 
Let  the  lion  come,  and  diminish  mankind! 
Instead  of  thy  causing  a  flood. 
Let  the  wolf  come,  and  diminish  mankind! 


84  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Instead  of  thy  causing  a  flood, 

Let  famine  break  forth  and  devastate  the  land! 

Instead  of  thy  causing  a  flood, 

Let  pestilence  come  and  slay  mankind!" 

Shurippak,  the  scene  in  which  the  Babylonian 
story  is  pitched,  has  been  identified  as  the  mound 
known  at  the  present  time  as  Fara.  The  German 
government  has  conducted  systematic  excavations 
at  this  site,'  and  found  antiquities  of  the  earliest 
period  immediately  beneath  the  surface,  showing 
that  the  city  had  been  destroyed  at  a  very  early 
age,  and  that  it  had  not  been  rebuilt. 

It  is  apparent  to  all  that  the  main  features,  as 
related  in  this  epic,  agree  remarkably  with  those 
of  the  biblical  deluge  story.  The  most  striking 
resemblances  are:  The  deluge  was  intended  as  a 
punishment  for  sin;  the  command  to  build  the  ship 
according  to  certain  dimensions,  in  order  to  preserve 
life;  the  division  of  the  ship  into  three  stories;  the 
use  of  bitumen  to  make  it  water-tight ;  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  seed  of  all  life;  the  way  the  deluge  was 
brought  to  pass;  the  grounding  of  the  ship  on  a 
mountain;  the  three  sendings  forth  of  birds;  the 
destruction  of  all  mankind  except  those  in  the  ship; 

1  There  is  a  small  collection  of  antiquities  from  Fara  in  the 
Museum  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  consisting  of  a 
number  of  objects  in  bronze,  among  which  are  two  small  swords; 
also  several  stone  bowls,  etc.  These  were  gathered  by  Pro- 
fessor Hilprecht  and  Mr.  Geere  during  the  excavations  at  Nippur, 
which  city  is  not  far  removed  from  Fara. 


The  Babylonian  Deluge  Story  85 

the  offering  of  a  sacrifice  on  the  mountain  top; 
the  smelHng  of  the  sweet  savor;  the  assurance  that 
another  deluge  would  not  occur  because  of  sin; — 
besides  other  details,  such  as  the  hero  of  the  Baby- 
lonian story  being  the  tenth  king,  while  Noah  is 
the  tenth  patriarch. 

The  divergencies,  are  at  the  same  time,  not  to  be 
minimized,  as  they  are  almost  immeasurable.  Chief 
among  them  might  be  mentioned  the  exceedingly 
crude  polytheism  of  the  epic,  which  depicts  the  gods 
scheming  to  out-do  one  another;  their  cowering 
like  dogs;  or  their  crowding  like  flies  around  the 
sacrifice,  after  they  smelled  the  savor.  But  taking 
all  things  into  consideration,  no  one  would  presume 
to  say  that  there  does  not  exist  any  relation  between 
the  biblical  and  the  Babylonian  stories.  And  the 
question  arises.  Is  the  Babylonian  dependent  upon 
the  biblical,  or  is  the  biblical  dependent  upon  the 
Babylonian?  and  how  is  this  dependence  to  be 
regarded  ? 

In  the  first  place.  Did  the  Babylonians  borrow 
their  legend  from  the  Israelites?  Assuming  the 
earliest  date  for  the  biblical,  namely  the  Mosaic 
period,  there  is  evidence  to  show  that  the  Babylon- 
ians had  the  narrative  centuries  prior  to  this  time. 
Babylonian  civilization  was  millenniums  old  before 
the  beginnings  of  Israel.  This  epic  makes  Bel  the 
chief  god,  and  not  Marduk,  which  is  an  indication 
that  it  belongs  at  least  to  the  third  millennium  B.  C. 
Then  also  in  the  fourth  millennium,  scenes  from  the 


86 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


life  of  Gilgamesh  were  favorite  themes  for  the  seals 
of  that  early  age  (see  illustration  below) .  But  more 
important  than  all  else,  in  this  connection,  is  the  fact 
that  a  version  of  the  deluge  story  has  been  found, 
which  from  the  character  of  the  writing,  and  the 
date  which  is  given  on  it,  clearly  shows  that  it  was 
written  in  the  reign  of  Ammi-zaduga  of  the  first 
dynasty  of  Babylon,  or  about  2000  B.  C.  These 
facts  make  it  impossible  to  regard  the  story  as 
indigenous  to  Israel. 


Tablet  and  Envelope  (Sargonic  period),  with  Scene  from  GilganiesJx  epic' 

An  answer  which  is  frequently  given  to  these 
inquiries  is  that  there  is  a  common  origin  for  both: 
Doubtless  this  is  true,  and  even  that  the  story  was 
current  for  a  long  time  among  both  peoples  prior 
to  its  being  fashioned  in  the  forms  in  which  it  has 
been  handed  down  (see  the  discussion  concerning 
the  Creation  story,  page  75).  But  in  the  absence 
of  any  document  to  substantiate  this,  we  confine 
ourselves  to  the  relation  of  the  one  to  the  other. 


The  Babylonian  Deluge  Story  87 

There  are  other  reasons  besides  those  already 
mentioned  for  believing  that  this  story  is  indigenous 
to  the  land  that  we  know  as  Babylonia.  Its  geo- 
graphical setting  and  its  local  coloring  point  to 
that  region.  Further,  the  fact  that  there  are  Baby- 
lonian elements  in  the  Creation,  Eden,  Babel,  and 
other  early  biblical  stories,  seems  to  lead  to  the 
conclusion  that  Babylonia  is  not  only  the  country 
of  these  scenes,  and  the  home  of  Israel's  founder, 
but  that  the  earliest  origin  of  some  of  the  narra- 
tives, at  least,  which  constitute  the  Hebrew  litera- 
ture, dealing  with  the  period  prior  to  the  patriarch's 
leaving  his  ancestral  home,  i.  e.  Ur,  belongs  to 
that  region. 

It  is  not,  however,  necessary  to  hold  with  certain 
Assyriologists,  that  the  biblical  writer  must  have 
had  the  Babylonian  version  before  him.  In  some 
shape  or  other,  the  tradition  doubtless  was  trans- 
mitted to  Palestine,  perhaps  in  the  days  of  Ham- 
murabi, when  Babylonia  became  the  suzerain  power 
of  that  land,  or  even  later.  And  in  that  region  it 
had  an  independent  development,  taking  on,  as  it 
were,  a  Palestinian  color.  The  rhythmical  setting  in 
which  it  appears  is  an  indication  that  it  was  already 
old  when  put  into  its  present  form.  When,  therefore, 
the  biblical  writer  made  use  of  the  traditions, 
current  among  his  people,  and  used  them  in  the 
spirit  of  his  monotheism,  and  made  them  instru- 
ments whereby  religious  truths  were  set  forth, 
showing  the  judgments  of  God  upon  corrupt  man- 


88  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

kind  and  the  blessings  bestowed  upon  the  righteous, 
they  were  placed  on  an  altogether  different  plane; 
in  fact,  the  difference  between  the  old  and  the  new 
became  immeasurable.  This  use  of  what  the  people 
actually  had  as  their  own  peculiar  possession, 
doubtless  after  it  had  passed  through  a  period  of 
naturalization,  is  but  another  illustration  of  the 
great  principle  according  to  which  the  teachers  of 
Israel  dealt  with  the  people. 


V 

THE   TOWER   OF   BABEL  AND    THE 
BABYLONIAN    TEMPLE 

The  story  of  Babel  in  Genesis  is  the  story  of  the 
building  of  a  Babylonian  ziggurrat,  or  temple-tower. 
Every  city  of  prominence  in  ancient  Babylonia  had 
its  temple,  and  every  temple  had  its  tower.  The 
Ziggurrat  Babili,  or  Etemenanki,  is  the  tower  of  the 
temple  at  Babylon,  which  is  the  biblical  Tower 
of  Babel. 

The  story  in  Genesis  is  strikingly  Babylonian  in 

its  coloring  and  details.     "As  they  journeyed  from 

the  East,"  they  found  a  valley  in  the  land  of  Shinar. 

The  earliest  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  known  to  us, 

were  the  Shumerians  or  Sumerians,  a  people  that 

spoke  a  non-Semitic  language.     The  derivation  of 

the  name,  Shinar,  doubtless  is  from  Shungir,  usually 

written  Girsu.     The  physiognomy  of  these  people, 

determined  by  the  remains  of  their  art  which  have 

been   recovered,    some    hold,    clearly   shows    them 

to  be  a  non-Semitic  race.    They  w^ere  the  originators 

of  the  peculiar  cult  of  the  valley,  which  belonged 

to  the  early  period.     They  w^ere  the  founders  of  the 

great  cities  and  temples;    they  were  the  inventors 

of  the  pictorial  WTiting,  out  of  which  the  cuneiform 

89 


90  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

was  developed ;  they  created  a  literature,  and  an  art; 
they  constructed  palaces,  and  they  formulated  laws. 

The  Sumerian  language  is  an  agglutinative  tongue, 
and,  as  is  generally  understood,  is  the  language  of 
the  early  pre-Semitic  inhabitants  of  the  southern 
part  of  the  Tigro-Euphrates  valley.  The  Semites 
who  entered  the  land  adopted  the  cuneiform  writ- 
ing of  these  people.  They  utilized  many  of  the 
old  Sumerian  values  as  phonograms,  and  gave  the 
characters  additional  values  peculiar  to  their  own 
tongue. 

This  language  was  first  called  Accadian.  Professor 
Sayce,  whose  philological  insight  has  advanced  so 
materially  the  science  of  Assyriology  during  the 
last  four  decades,  deciphered  in  1870  the  first 
Sumerian  inscription.  He  was  followed  by  Oppert 
and  Lenormant,  who  greatly  advanced  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  language.  The  latter  published  a  gram- 
mar, calling  the  language  Accadian.  In  1874,  Joseph 
Halevy,  who  had  gained  great  distinction  as  an 
Orientalist,  advanced  the  theory  that  this  ideo- 
graphic system  of  writing  was  arbitrarily  arranged 
or  invented  by  the  Assyrian  priests,  and  that  it  was 
for  the  purpose  of  mystifying  the  people  in  their  rit-' 
uals.  While  finding  some  adherents  for  his  crypto- 
graphic hypothesis,  Halevy's  position  was  strongly 
combated  by  -Lenormant,  Oppert,  Jensen,  Haupt, 
Bezold,  Sayce,  Hommel  and  Zimmern.  Professor 
Haupt,  who  has  been  styled  "  the  father  of  Sumerian 
etymology,"    by    his    publication   Die    sumerischen 


The  Tower  of  Babel  91 

Familiengesetze,  in  1879,  put  the  study  of  the 
language  upon  a  scientific  basis.  Professor  Bezold 
actually  found  on  an  Assyrian  tablet  that  Eme-ku, 
which  in  non-Semitic  texts  means, "the  land  Shumer," 
was  explained  li-sha-an  Shn-me-ri,  "  language  of  Shu- 
mer." In  1892,  Lehman  published  a  work  that  gave 
an  additional  death-blow  to  Halevy's  theory.  The 
translations  of  Sumerian  inscriptions  by  Thureau- 
Dangin  and  others,  left  little  doubt  generally  that 
the  Sumeriologists  were  right  in  their  contentions 
for  the  linguistic  character  of  the  language.  Event- 
ually Delitzsch,  who  for  a  time  joined  the  ranks  of 
Halevy,  abandoned  the  theory ;  and  although 
some  scholars  still  adhere  to  it,  and  continue  to 
present  philological,  ethnological  and  archeological 
difficulties  for  the  Sumeriologist,  and  even  attempt 
to  show  that  the  entire  cuneiform  syllabary  and 
literature  is  Semitic,  as  has  recently  been  done  by 
Doctor  Briinnow',  the  controversy  is  generally 
regarded  as  practically  closed.^ 


^  See  Jastrow,  A  new  aspect  of  the  Sumerian  question, 
American  Journal  of  Semitic  Languages,  Vol.  XXII,  No.   2. 

^  For  a  complete  discussion  of  this  problem,  see  Weissbach, 
Die  Sumerische  Frage.  Also  see  Prince,  Sumerian  Lexicon,  p. 
VII  ff.,  or  Rogers,  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  Vol.  I, 
p.  200  ff.  Besides  the  Sumerian  grammar  by  Lenormant,  two 
others  have  been  published  more  recently  by  Professors  Haupt 
and  Hommel,  while  Professor  Prince  has  begun  the  publication 
of  a  Sumerian  dictionary,  the  first  part  of  which  has  appeared 
in  Assyriologische  Bibliotlick,  edited  by  Professors  Delitzsch  and 
Haupt, 


92  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


•& 


The  earliest  known  inscriptions  that  have  been 
discovered,  show  that  the  Semites  had  already 
encroached  upon  the  land  of  the  Sumerians/ 
Whether  the  few  lines  preserved  in  Genesis  concern- 
ing the  building  of  Babel  echo  the  early  deeds  of 
these  invaders,  of  course  cannot  be  determined. 
Exactly  whence  they  came  is  a  much  debated 
question.  What  their  system  of  writing  was,  is 
not  known ;  as  mentioned  above,  they  are  found  to 
have  adopted  the  script  of  the  Sumerians.  It  is 
better  understood  what  their  religion  was,  for  their 
pantheon  of  gods  must  have  resembled,  at  least  in  a 
general  way,  that  of  the  Sumerians,  for  we  find 
Semitic  equivalents  introduced  for  the  gods  of  that 
people.  For  instance,  the  writing  for  Enlil  of  the 
Sumerians  was  used  for  the  Semitic  Bel.  Nina 
must  have  been  equivalent  to  the  Semitic  Ishtar. 
The  culture  of  the  Sumerians  seems  to  have  been 
absorbed  by  the  Semites,  but  it  received  a  sig- 
nificance, of  course,  in  accord  with  their  own  ideas. 
A  number  of  cities,  among  them  Lagash,  the 
modern  Telloh,  preserved  the  Sumerian  culture  and 
tongue,  until  the  end  of  their  history.  At  Nippur 
Semitic  inscriptions  are  found  as  early  as  Urumush 
and  Sargon,  but  the  language  of  the  religious  and  legal 

'As  this  volume  goes  to  press  I  learn  that  Eduard  Meyer  will 
publish  very  shortly  in  the  Berliner  Akademie,  an  important 
monograph  on  Early  Babylonian  Art,  which  will  contain  a  new 
theory  about  the  earliest  relations  of  Sumerians  and  Semites  in 
Babylonia. 


The  Tower  of  Babel  93 

literature  generally  continued  to  be  Sumerian  through 
the  first  dynasty  of  Babylon.  At  Sippara  and  Baby- 
lon the  people  seem  to  have  come  sooner  under 
Semitic  influence ;  and  as  a  result,  we  have  not  only 
a  mixed  cultus,  but  also  a  mixed  people,  that  we 
call  Babylonian.  While  the  Sumerian  language  was 
supplanted  by  the  Semitic,  the  scribes  and  priests 
continued  to  use  it  up  to  the  close  of  Babylonian 
history;  especially  as  the  liturgical  language  in 
the  temple  service.  In  the  Hammurabi  dynasty, 
as  well  as  in  the  Cassite,  many  legal  phrases  in  the 
contract  literature  continued  to  be  written  in 
Sumerian.  In  the  neo-Babylonian  period  these  have 
disappeared.  Semitic  Babylonian  was  doubtless 
the  language  in  the  common  life  of  Abraham's  day. 
We  can,  therefore,  safely  conjecture  that  this  was 
the  native  tongue  of  the  patriarch,  if  he  was  born 
in  Babylonia. 

Shumer,  or  Shinar,  is  an  alluvial  plain,  where  the 
building  material  w^as  "brick  instead  of  stone." 
For  their  building  operations  bricks  were  used  almost 
entirely.  The  stone  that  is  found  by  the  excavators 
had  been  imported  from  other  regions,  notably 
from  along  the  Euphrates  to  the  northwest  of 
Babylonia  (see  also  page  17).  Owing  to  the  fact 
that  they  burned  them  "thoroughly,"  and  that  they 
were  like  stone,  some  of  the  bricks  were  used  again 
and  again  by  the  different  builders  in  Babylonian 
history.  The  average  edifice  in  Babylonia  seems  to 
have  been  built  with   adobes.      Mud   plaster  pre- 


94 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


served  them  intact  for  centuries  if  the  waUs  were 
regularly  cared  for.  Most  of  the  great  towers  of  the 
land  in  the  early  period  were  also  constructed  with 
mud  bricks,  being  faced  wholly  or  partially  with 
kiln-dried  bricks,  in  order  to  protect  them  from 
the  elements. 


^m^-^A^^-'-'-^ 


*^:- 


'     ,-S' 


\1i|. 


t^^^ 


-^^;i 


One  of  the  Asphalt  Springs  near  Hit  which  furnished  the  "  slime  "  (Asphalt)  used 
hy  the  huilders  of  Bahel  instead  of  niortar. 

The  word  translated  "  slime,"  in  the  story  of  Babel, 
which  they  used  for  mortar,  means  "bitumen." 
It  has  been  ascertained  that,  especially  in  the  early 
period,  this  material  was  used  to  lay  up  their  bricks ; 
and  so  securely  did  it  hold  together  that  in  separat- 
ing them,  in  the  present  day,  six  to  eight  millen- 


The  Tower  of  Babel  95 

niums  later,  the  bricks  themselves  are  often  broken. 
In  the  neighborhood  of  Hit,  some  fifty  miles  to  the 
northwest  of  Babylon,  springs  of  bitumen  are  found. 
They  are  in  fact  springs  of  water,  on  the  surface  of 
which  collects  a  thick  scum  of  asphalt.  Frequently 
the  spring  is  seen  in  a  state  of  ebullition.  The 
bitumen  gathered  by  the  people  is  used  for  various 
purposes,  as,  for  instance,  they  pitch  with  it  the 
inside  of  their  pottery  vessels,  which  are  intended 
to  retain  liquid ;  they  pitch  on  the  inside  and  outside 
of  their  boats;  they  mix  it  with  other  material 
for  roofing,  and,  in  general,  use  it  for  mortar. 

The  city  that  the  people  intended  to  build  is 
known  in  the  inscriptions  as  Babilu  (Babylon). 
In  the  Old  Testament  the  name  was  "called  Babel; 
because  Jahweh  did  there  confound  the  language 
of  all  the  earth"  (Gen.  11:9).  1^^  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  Babylonians  interpreted  the  name  as  mean- 
ing "  Gate  of  God  "  {Bdh-ili),  scholars  generally  claim 
that  the  Hebrew  etymology  is  incorrect ;  and  there- 
fore the  name  cannot  be  derived  from  the  Hebrew 
root  babal,  "to  confuse."  Driver  says :  "  It  is  simply 
a  popular  etymology,  which  lent  itself  conveniently 
to  the  purpose  which  the  narrator  had  in  hand."^ 
Those  who  believe  in  a  literal  interpretation  of  this 
part  of  the  story  might  claim  that  "Gate  of  God" 
is  a  popular  etymology  of  the  Sumerians  and 
Babylonians.     But  the  root,   babal,   "to  confuse," 

1  Compare  his  Commentary  on  Genesis,  p.  136. 


96  Lisrlit  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


has  not  been  found  in  Babylonian;  and  the  name 
Babel  in  the  earliest  known  reference  to  the  city 
is  understood  by  the  writer  of  the  inscription  to 
mean  "Gate  of  God,"  which  is  ascertained  from  the 
ideographic  characters  used.  The  expression  in 
Genesis,  therefore,  until  more  light  is  thrown  upon 
the  subject,   must  be  understood  accordingly. 

Already,  in  1743,  Carsten  Niebuhr  had  definitely 
determined  that  the  ruins  of  Babylon  were  situated 
near  the  modern  Hillah.  With  Herodotus,  however, 
he  regarded  Birs-Nimrud,  on  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  Euphrates,  to  be  the  Tower  of  Babel.  Even  at 
the  present  time,  views  of  this  mound  with  its  peaked 
projection  are  used  to  show  the  present  appearance 
of  the  ruins  of  the  famous  tower.  In  a  building 
inscription  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  translated  some 
decades  ago,  the  great  builder  said: 

At  that  time,  Euriminanki,  the  ziggurrat  of  Bor- 
sippa,  which  a  former  king  had  constructed,  forty-two 
cubits  he  had  projected  it  upwards,  but  had  not  raised 
its  head.  From  a  distant  day  it  had  collapsed;  its 
gutters  had  not  been  kept  clear;  rain  and  tempest  had 
torn  away  its  bricks;  the  facing  bricks  had  opened. 
The  mud  bricks  of  its  interior  [body]  were  fallen  to- 
gether like  a  heap.  The  great  god  Marduk  made  me 
disposed  to  restore  it. 

This  inscription  seemed  to  offer  proof  for  the 
correctness  of  the  theory.  But  it  is  now  definitely 
known  that  Birs-Nimrud — or  what  remains  of  the 
Ziggurrat  Euriminanki,  of  the  temple  of  Ezida 
sacred  to  the  god  Nebo,  which  was  in  Borsippa,  the 


The  Tower  of  Babel  97 

twin  city  of  Babylon — was  not  the  bibUcal  tower, 
but  that,  as  said  before,  the  Ziggurrat  Babih  of  the 
latter  city,  is  the  Tower  of  Babel. 

With  Nippur,  Erech,  and  Eridu,  Babel  is  men- 
tioned in  one  of  the  Babylonian  creation  legends, 
as  having  been  founded  by  the  god  Marduk.  This, 
however,  savors  of  the  same  influence  which  made 
Marduk  the  supreme  god  in  the  creation  story. 
According  to  the  inscriptions,  Babylon  did  not 
occupy  a  position  as  prominent  among  the  cities 
of  Early  Babylonia,  prior  to  Hammurabi's  time, 
as,  for  instance,  Nippur,  Erech,  Ur,  etc.  The  state- 
ment (Genesis  io:io)  that  "the  beginning  of  his 
[Nimrod's]  kingdom  was  Babel,  and  Erech,  and 
Accad,  and  Calneh  [Nippur]"  would  imply,  that 
perhaps  it  was  a  city  of  great  antiquity,  inasmuch 
as  the  others  are  known  to  be  such.  But  as  the 
excavations  have  not  revealed  any  light,  as  yet, 
on  the  "mighty  hunter  before  Jahweh"  and  also 
because  his  operations  were  extended  to  cities  of 
Assyria,  among  them  Nineveh,  which  is  first  men- 
tioned in  the  time  of  Hammurabi,  it  would  seem 
that  he  was  a  great  conqueror,  such  as  Sargon  or 
Hammurabi ;  and  that  he  had  established  a  kingdom, 
which  in  the  beginning  was  composed  of  certain 
cities,  but  not  necessarily  in  the  earliest  age. 

The  excavations  by  the  Germans  at  Babel  have 
not  revealed  antiquities  of  the  very  early  period, 
due  to  the  fact  that  they  did  not  reach  the  strata 
which  contain  them,  and  also  because  some  of  the 

7 


98  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

portions  excavated  had  only  been  developed  in  the 
late  centuries  of  the  city's  history,  when  it  had 
grown  greatly  in  extent.  The  earliest  reference  to 
Babylon  in  the  inscriptions  is  in  the  time  of  Sargon  I, 
3800  B.  C.  The  kings  of  the  first  dynasty  of 
Babylon  made  it  their  capital.  Babylon  there- 
afterwards  became  the  great  religious  center  of  the 
country  instead  of  Nippur,  where  Bel,  the  father 
of  the  gods,  had  received  the  obeisance  of  kings 
and  emperors  for  millenniums,  and  as  a  result, 
Babylon  was  built  up  at  the  expense  of  Nippur. 
In  the  old  epics,  which  glorified  Bel,  the  name  of 
Marduk,  the  patron  deity  of  Babylon,  was  substi- 
tuted (see  page  62).  The  city  continued  to  be 
the  great  metropolis  of  the  country,  until  the  close 
of  its  history,  after  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
The  history  of  Babylon's  great  temple,  Esagila, 
and  its  tower  or  ziggurrat  will  in  time  be  compara- 
tively fully  wTitten.  Whether  any  reference  to 
its  original  builders  will  be  known  is  questionable. 
Like  the  origin  of  other  temples  and  their  towers, 
its  founding  may  always  be  shrouded  in  obscurity. 
The  first  reference  to  it  is  in  an  inscription  of  Sumu- 
la-ilu,  the  second  king  of  the  first  dynasty  of  Babylon 
(about  2200  B.  C).  We  learn  that  he  built  a  "glor- 
ious temple"  for  Marduk,  and  made  a  magnificent 
throne  of  gold  and  silver  for  the  god,  besides  a 
statue  of  his  consort  Farpanitum.  Zabium,  his  son, 
is  credited  with  having  built  Esagila,  which  is 
the  name  of  the  temple.     In  the  ancient  language 


The  Tower  of  Babel  99 

of  the  land,  the  Sumerian,  it  means  "house  with  a 
lofty  head."  E  means  "house,"  sag,  "head,"  and 
ila,  "lofty."  The  name  may  refer  to  the  ziggurrat, 
or  tower,  which  was  the  prominent  feature  of  the 
temple  precincts.  Zabium's  reference  to  Esagila 
doubtless  means  that  he  restored  the  temple. 
Similar  language  has  been  employed  by  others  in 
this  connection.  It  is,  of  course,  not  impossible 
that  it  was  at  that  time  brought  into  existence, 
perhaps  in  connection  with  the  tower  which  was 
much  older.  The  fane  of  Babylon,  referred  to  in 
the  time  of  Sargon  I,  is  called  the  temple  A-E. 

In  different  periods,  Esagila  had  been  sacked, 
and  the  statues  of  the  gods  carried  to  other  lands, 
from  whence  they  were  in  time  returned.  The 
Cassite  kings  who  ruled  over  Babylonia  carried 
Marduk  to  distant  Khani.  In  later  years  Agumkak- 
rime,  the  seventh  king  of  the  dynasty,  brought  him 
back  and  restored  him,  in  all  his  splendor,  to  his 
original  place  in  the  temple.  About  1300  B.  C, 
Tukulti-Ninib  destroyed  the  city,  plundered  Esagila, 
and  carried  the  statue  off  to  Assyria.  In  689  B.  C, 
Sennacherib,  having  suffered  many  annoyances  onthe 
part  of  the  Babylonians  by  their  repeated  rebellions, 
his  patience  became  exhausted,  decided  upon  the 
obliteration  of  the  city.  He  sacked  and  laid  waste 
the  temples,  and  carried  the  god  away.  He  says  he 
razed  the  temple  to  the  ground,  and  threw  its  bricks 
into  the  canal  Arachtu.  He  cut  channels  through 
the    city,    and  flooded   it    with   water,   so  that  the 


100  Light  on  the  Okl  Testament 

destruction  might  be  so  complete  that  no  man  could 
find  the  site  of  the  city,  and  the  temple  of  the  gods. 

The  excavations,  however,  reveal  the  fact  that 
the  destruction  was  not  so  xevy  complete,  for  we 
know  that  his  son  and  successor,  Esarhaddon,  after 
a  period  of  ten  years,  began  to  rebuild  the  city  and 
the  temple.  Death  interfered  with  the  latter 's 
labors,  which  were  carried  on  to  completion  by  his 
son  Ashurbanipal  (668-626  B.  C).  After  the 
sanctuary  was  restored  and  richly  embellished  with 
gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones,  Ashurbanipal 
surrendered  the  sovereignty  of  the  temple  to  the 
god  Marduk,  after  an  absence  of  his  statue  for 
twenty-one  years. 

Hammurabi  had  doubtless  rebuilt  the  temple 
on  a  scale  unrivaled  in  his  day,  as  had  also  his 
successors.  But  greater  splendor  in  connection  with 
any  Babylonian  temple  was  scarcely  manifested 
than  that  of  Esagila  and  its  tower,  in  the  days  of 
Nabopolassar  and  his  son  Nebuchadrezzar  (see 
Chapter  XIV). 

Xerxes,  after  his  return  from  Greece,  as  we  are 
told  by  Arrian,  again  destroyed  the  temple,  thinking 
that  it  was  poorly  placed  in  the  city.  Although 
Alexander  the  Great  collected  a  great  army  of 
workmen,  intending  to  rebuild  it  upon  its  old  site, 
the  doings  of  Xerxes  practically  proved  the  end  of 
Esagila,  as  Alexander  died  after  he  had  torn  down 
what  remained  of  the  ancient  sanctuary.  Antiochus  I 
considered  himself   the   patron   of  Esagila,   yet   as 


XI 

cd 

03 


o 


01 
XI 


be 


T3 

n 

ctf. 

'be 
a 

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a. 

E 
v 


o 
3 

en 

c 
o 
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01 

oi 


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E 


,  .M:;^/-'.  .  "-it 


102  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

far  as  is  known,  the  temple  and  its  tower  had  not 
been  rebuilt  in  the  years  subsequent  to  the  reign 
of  Alexander.  It  became  a  ruin-heap,  and  for  nearly 
two  millenniums  its  ruins,  as  well  as  others  in 
Babylon,  have  furnished  building-material  for  towns 
that  have  been  built  up  in  its  vicinity,  such  as 
Seleucia,  Ctesiphon,  Bagdad,  and  Hillah.  Burnt 
bricks,  bearing  the  titles  of  the  builders  of  ancient 
Babylon,  are  found  everywhere  in  the  buildings 
of  these  cities.  Notwithstanding  this  ruthless 
plunder,  most  important  architectural  results  have 
been  obtained  of  other  buildings  by  the  Germans, 
who  have  spent  five  years  in  excavating  the  city. 
To  this  brief  sketch  might  be  added  extracts  from 
the  interesting  detailed  account  w^hich  Herodotus 
gives  us  of  the  Temple  Belos,  i.e.,  the  Temple  of 
Bel-Marduk,  or  Esagila.  He  describes  the  tower 
{i.e.,  E-temen-an-ki,  the  Ziggurrat  Babili,  or  the 
Tower  of  Babel),  as  consisting  of  eight  stages. 
In  numbering  them,  he  included  the  platform  upon 
w^hich  the  whole  structure  rested.  In  reality  there 
were  seven  stages  in  the  late  period.  The  top,  he 
tells  us,  was  reached  by  gradually  rising  ascents 
along  the  sides  of  the  platforms ;  so  that  by  walking 
around  and  around,  the  summit  was  reached.  Near 
the  middle  of  the  ascent  the  priests  and  w^orshipers 
found  a  resting-place.  Upon  the  top  of  the  upper- 
most platform,  a  room  or  shrine  was  built.  In  it 
there  was  a  couch  and  golden  table.  It  is  thought 
they  believed   that   the   god   Marduk  dwelt   there. 


Terra-coUa  Household  Shrine  of  Bel,  found  at  Nippur. 
{Natural  size.) 


104  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Below,  i.e.,  in  the  court  about  the  tower,  there  was 
another  shrine,  in  which  the  statue  of  the  god  made 
of  gold  was  found.  Herodotus  named  the  god 
Zeus,  meaning  Marduk,  and  represented  him  as 
sitting  in  a  chair  of  gold.  His  table  and  footstool 
were  also  of  the   same   material. 

Such  in  brief  is  an  outline  of  what  is  now  known 
of  the  history  of  the  "Tower  of  Babel."  As  the 
excavations  are  continued,  and  the  inscriptions  are 
forced  to  reveal  their  secrets,  more  and  more  com- 
pletely will  its  history  be  unfolded. 

The  excavations  conducted  by  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania  at  Nippur  w4thin  the  temple  area, 
throw  considerable  light  upon  Babylonian  temples 
and  ziggurrats.  As  is  well  known,  the  sanctuary 
of  Bel,  to  whom  most  of  the  early  rulers  did  obeisance, 
and  from  whom  they  acknowledged  they  had 
received  their  authority  and  power,  was  perhaps 
the  most  important  in  the  valley.  The  mound 
covering  this  ancient  sanctuary  rises  to  the  height 
of  ninety  feet  above  the  plain.  The  highest  point, 
as  was  readily  recognized  when  the  excavations 
were  begun,  covered  the  ziggurrat,  or  storied-tower 
of  the  temple.  A  section  of  this  mound,  perhaps 
one-quarter  of  the  temple  area,  was  excavated  by 
Haynes  through  all  the  different  strata  down  to 
virgin  soil.  For  convenience'  sake  let  us  begin  with 
a  stratum  in  the  center  of  the  mound ;  then  consider 
briefly  those  which  lie  above  it;  afterwards  those 
which  lie  below. 


The  Tower  of  Babel 


105 


In  this  middle  stratum  we  have  evidence  of 
immense  operations  by  the  famous  temple-builder 
Ur-Engur,  who  lived  about  2700  B.  C.    A  great  many- 


stamped  brick  of  Ur-Engur,  2700  B.  C. 


of  his  bricks,  which  are  about  twelve  inches  square 
and  about  four  inches  in  thickness,  have  this  in- 
scription: "Ur-Engur,  king  of  Ur,  king  of  Accad, 
and  Shumer,  the  man  who  built  the  house  of  Bel." 


106  LiHit  on  the  Old  Testament 


^to 


In  the  accompanying  illustration,  the  ziggurrat  as 
he  restored  it  is  seen.  It  was  the  most  prominent 
feature  of  the  temple  architecture.  It  occupied 
about  one-third  of  the  inner  court.  In  this  early 
age,  it  probably  had  three  stages,  which  rose  in 
diminishing  sizes,  one  superimposed  upon  the  other. 
Dr.  Haynes  reported  that  the  lowest  was  twenty 
feet  high,  the  second  thirteen,  while  the  upper 
was  so  much  destroyed  that  exact  measurements 
could  not  be  taken;  but  it  was  approximately 
about  ten  feet  high.  On  the  top  of  the  whole  mass 
a  shrine  doubtless  stood,  such  as  Herodotus  tells  us 
was  on  the  tower  at  Babylon.  The  platforms  were 
in  the  shape  of  right-angle  parallelograms,  the 
lower  being  169  feet  long  by  106  feet  wide,  with 
the  corners  pointing  approximately  to  the  four 
cardinal  points.  With  the  exception  of  the  facing 
wall,  this  large  structure  was  built  of  sun-dried 
bricks,  and  as  far  as  is  known  had  no  chamber  or 
cavity,  but  was  solid.  To  carry  off  water  from  the 
platforms,  conduits  of  burnt  brick  were  built  in 
the  middle  of  three  of  the  sides  of  the  ziggurrat. 
These  Haynes  found  only  in  the  lower  stage.  Doubt- 
less the  upper  stages  had  also  been  provided  with 
them.  These  prevented  the  water  from  washing 
over  the  encasing  walls,  and  in  this  way  the  structure 
was  preserved.  Gutters  covered  with  bitumen 
surrounded  the  ziggurrat  on  all  sides  at  the  base, 
except  in  the  front,  to  carry  away  the  water.  The 
ascent   of   some   ziggurrats,    especially   of  the   late 


Mound  Covering  the  Nippur  Tower  as  il  appeared  in  1S93. 


The  Tower  of  Ekiir,  the  Temple  of  Bel.  built  by  Ur-Ensriir  (2700  B.  C.)  showing  three  stages. 


108  Light  on  the  Ohl  Testament 

period,  were  in  all  probability  in  the  foini  of  winding 
balustrades.  The  ziggurrat  at  Nippur  had  an 
immense  causeway  built  out  from  the  low^er  terrace 
on  the  front,  at  right  angles  to  the  face  of  the  tower, 
leading  into  the  open  space  of  the  court.  It  was 
built  of  two  nearly  parallel  walls  of  burnt  bricks. 
Crude  bricks  were  filled  in  between  these  walls  to 
form  the  ascent,  w^hich  originally  doubtless  had 
steps,  now  no  longer  discernible.  The  means  of 
ascent  to  the  top  of  the  platforms  of  the  ziggurrat 
was  only  found  to  extend  as  high  as  the  first  stage. 
It  was  thought  that  the  causeway  which  ascends  only 
to  the  first  stage  w^as  continued  straight  up  to  the 
top,'  but  Architect  Fisher  holds  the  view  that  there 
was  a  stairway  from  the  first  platform  to  the  second, 
and  the  third,  which  was  built  parallel  with  the 
sides  of  the  platforms. 

Close  by,  on  the  northeast  side  of  the  ziggurrat,  a 
wall  was  cleared  on  three  sides  of  a  structure  belong- 
ing to  the  late  period,  more  than  150  feet  long,  and 
over  100  feet  wide.  Two  entrances  were  found 
facing  the  ziggurrat,  the  principal  one,  which  was 
near  the  south  corner,  being  ten  and  a  half  feet 
wide.^  In  excavating  the  ziggurrat  and  the  later 
fortress,  which  was  built  on  top  of  it,  debris  was 
piled  high  upon  this  part  of  the  mound,   as  was 

'  This  account  of  the  ziggurrat  is  based  on  the  reports  and 
photographs  by  Haynes,  of  his  work.  See  Hilprecht,  The  Baby- 
lonian Exp.  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Vol.  I,  part  2. 

^See  Hilprecht,  Explorations  in  Bible  Lands,  p.  47if. 


The  Tower  of  Babel  109 

quite  natural,  inasmuch  as  no  facilities  for  removing 
the  dirt  to  the  plains  beyond  the  mounds  had  been 
provided.  This  structure  has  been  regarded  as  being 
the  "house  of  Bel,"  or  the  temple  proper.'  A 
future  expedition  will  doubtless  undertake  the 
exploration  of  this  part  of  the  mound,  when  it  can 
be  determined  what  it  represents.  Owing  to  the 
fact  that  it  belongs  to  the  late  period,  it  has  not 
been  included  in  the  accompanying  plan,  page  114. 
A  portion  of  the  walls  serving  as  an  enclosure  of 
the  precincts  was  excavated.  In  the  southeastern 
wall  of  the  court  a  large  gate  w^as  found.  The  gate 
is  quite  similar  to  those  found  in  Assyrian  temples 
of  the  late  period,  but  considerably  smaller.  The 
passage,  though  it  is  only  six  feet  wide,  is  augmented 
by  a  series  of  stepped  recesses  on  either  side,  which 
make  it  stand  fourteen  feet  wide.  These  give  it  an 
imposing  appearance.  The  depth  of  the  gate  was 
fifty- two  feet,  which  included  the  thickness  of  both 
walls  and  the  space  between  them.  In  the  middle, 
on  either  side  of  the  narrow  passage-way,  were 
the  guard  chambers.  No  gate-socket  was  found 
in  situ,  but  one  belonging  to  the  great  builder 
mentioned,  namely  Ur-Engur  (2700  B.  C),  was 
found  almost  directly  over  the  old  position  of  the 
gate,  in  an  upper  stratum,  w^hich  contained  antiqui- 
ties of  the  age  of  Ashurbanipal  (650  B.  C).  This 
showed  that  as  the  accumulations  of  debris  caused 

^ Ibid,  p  472. 


110  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  surface  of  the  temple  area  to  rise,  the  gate  and 
door-socket  was  elevated  with  it,  and  the  entrance, 
two  millenniums  later,  remained  practically  at  the 
same  place.  It  illustrates  also  the  custom  com- 
monly found  in  the  Orient,  where  door- sills  and 
gate-sockets  are  reset  at  higher  levels  from  time 
to  time  as  the  accumulations  make  it  necessary 
(see  page  ;^t,).  In  the  plan,  found  on  page  114,  this 
gate,  although  belonging  to  the  period  long  before 
Sargon,  3800  B.  C,  is  incorporated,  as  it  very  likely 
was  restored  on  a  similar  plan  in  later  periods.  It 
is  an  indication  of  the  grandeur  of  the  plan  upon 
which  the  temple  was  laid  out  in  the  early  age. 
Immediately  in  the  rear  of  the  ziggurrat  there  were 
slight  indications  of  another  gate. 

Dr.  Peters,  in  1890,  discovered  to  the  southeast  of 
this  enclosure  the  remains  of  a  small  building  which 
had  two  rooms.  Its  bricks  w^ere  stamped  one  to 
three  times  upon  the  edges  with  a  brief  legend  of 
Bur-Sin,  king  of  Ur  (about  2500  B.  C).  It  reads, 
"Bur-Sin  the  mighty  king."  He  discovered  two~ 
door-sockets  in  situ  at  the  entrance  of  the  two  rooms, 
which  record  the  fact  that  the  structure  was  a  temple 
or  shrine  called  Ki-shag-gul-la  Bur-Sin,  "  House  of 
the  delight  of  Bur-Sin,"  which  the  king  dedicated 
to  the  god  Bel. 

At  the  end  of  the  wall  to  the  west  of  the  gate 
above  described,  a  wall  ran  to  the  south.  This  was 
traced  a  short  distance.  A  wall  corresponding  to 
the  other  was  found  extending  also  to  the  south  of 


r 


Topographical  map  of  the  northeastern  section  of  Nippur,  showing;  in  the  lower 
part  the  outer  and  inner  court  of  the  Temple. 


112  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  wall  on  the  east  side  of  the  gate.  The  extension 
of  these  two  walls  made  it  appear  as  if  there  was 
also  an  outer  court.  On  the  last  expedition,  a 
topographical  map  of  a  portion  of  Nippur  was  found. 
It  includes,  besides  walls,  gates,  canals,  buildings, 
and  roads,  a  plan  of  the  temple.  It  clearly  shows 
that  it  had  two  courts.  An  available  photograph 
of  this  map,  which  was  taken  before  it  was  thoroughly 
cleaned,  appears  to  show  that  there  is  written  upon 
the  inner  court  the  words  E-kur,  which  is  the  name 
of  the  temple.  The  temple  had,  therefore,  an  outer 
as  well  as  an  inner  court.  If  this  outer  court  was 
square,  or  approximately  so,  it  included  the  shrine 
of  Bur-Sin.  Further  excavations  in  this  part  of 
the  temple  area,  although  a  considerable  portion  of 
the  mound  has  been  washed  away,  may  reveal 
similar  shrines  having  been  built  by  other  rulers. 
Between  the  double  walls  which  divided  the  courts, 
vaults  were  found.  One  of  these  was  excavated  on 
the  third  campaign.  It  was  thirty-six  feet  long 
by  eleven  and  a  half  feet  wide,  and  eight  and  a  half 
feet  deep.  There  was  a  ledge,  one  and  a  half  feet 
wide,  running  around  the  four  walls  two  and  a  half 
feet  from  the  floor.  This  was  capped  by  a  layer 
of  burnt  bricks.  It  is  not  improbable  that  in  these 
vaults  the  temple  literature  was  also  kept,  con- 
sisting of  hymns,  prayers,  incantations,  and  all 
ritualistic  writings  used  in  connection  with  the 
Bel  cult.  Here  also  the  stone  votive  vases  may  have 
been  stored. 


The  Tower  of  Babel 


113 


Between  the  temple  proper  and  the  vaults,  Dr. 
Haynes,  on  the  last  campaign,  found  a  large  stone 
vase    about    three    feet  _     , 

high,  which  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  temple  by 
Gudea,  the  priest-king  of 
Shirpurla  (Telloh).  The 
inscription  reads:  "To 
Bel,  the  lord  of  the  gods, 
for  the  temple  at  Nippur, 
Gudea  the  patesi  of  Shir- 
pula  presented  the  long 
boat  of  Ekur  for  his 
life." 

On  the  basis  of  the  act- 
ual excavations  and  the 
plan  of  the  temple  which 
is  found  on  the  topo- 
graphical map  in  clay,  and  also  taking  into  con- 
sideration the  restorations  which  have  already  been 
proposed,  the  plan  on  the  following  page  by  Mr. 
Clarence  S.  Fisher  is  offered  as  a  ground  plan  of  the 
Temple  of  Bel  about  the  time  of  Ur-Engur. 

This,  in  brief,  is  a  picture  of  the  temple  and  its 
tower  as  it  existed  in  the  first  half  of  the  third 
millennium  before  Christ.  In  the  course  of  time, 
from  some  unknown  cause,  perhaps  through  neglect, 
or  in  consequence  of  an  invasion,  the  pavement  of 
Ur-Engur  was  lost  sight  of.  A  ground  floor  then 
existed  in  the  area,  at  least  in  some  portions  of  it, 

8 


Stone  vase  presented  to  Bel  by  Gudea 


Plan  of  Ekur,  the  Temple  of  Bel.     Inner  court  308  x  250  feet.    Outer  court  about 

260  feet  square. 


The  Tower  of  Babel  115 

until  the  time  of  TJr-Ninib  (about  2550  B.  C). 
Dr.  Haynes  reported  that  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
five  of  the  one  hundred  and  forty-three  bricks 
which  he  took  from  the  section  excavated,  were 
inscribed  for  this  king.  The  inscription  reads: 
"Ur-Ninib,  the  all-subhme  shepherd  of  Nippur, 
the  pastor  of  Ur,  he  who  delivers  the  command  of 
Eridu,  the  gracious  lord  of  Erech,  the  king  of  Isin, 
the  king  of  Shumer  and  Accad,  the  sublimely 
chosen  one  of  the  goddess  Nina." 

Ur-Ninib's  pavement  lies,  on  an  average,  about 
three  feet  above  that  of  Ur-Engur.  The  debris 
between  has  revealed  many  important  fragments  of 
inscribed  vases.  They  contain  some  of  the  oldest 
inscriptions  known.  Professor  Peters  excavated  a 
goodly  number  of  these  on  the  second  expedition, 
and  Doctor  Haynes  the  others  on  the  third.  As  has 
been  shown  by  Professor  Hilprecht,  these  fragments 
belong,  not  to  the  period  between  Ur-Engur  and 
Ur-Ninib,  but  to  the  age  prior  to  Sargon  I.  The  only 
possible  explanation  is  that  these  vases,  dedicated 
to  the  god  Bel  by  kings  and  patesis,  had  been  in  the 
possession  of  the  temple,  perhaps  used  in  its  service 
for  many  centuries,  and  at  the  time  of  some  great 
disaster  which  befell  the  city,  doubtless  at  the  time 
of  a  foreign  invasion,  but  not  that  of  Kudur-Nan- 
khundi,  as  has  been  claimed,  because  he  lived  after 
Ur-Ninib,  these  ancient  votive  objects  were  ruth- 
lessly smashed  in  pieces.  Naturally  in  the  debris 
of  that  age  the  fragments  would  be  found.     They 


116  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

contain  brief  fragmentary  legends  (see  page  37). 
In  this  stratum  Dr.  Haynes  found  also  a  torso 
of  a  statue  in  dolerite  nearly  life  size,  in  many 
respects  similar  to  the  statues  of  Gudea  found  at 
Telloh  (see  page  158).  He  also  found  a  straight 
nose  in  basalt,  belonging  to  a  statue  fully  life  size; 
also  a  small  white  marble  head,  and  other  anti- 
quities. As  only  a  portion  of  this  stratum  of  the 
temple  area  has  thus  far  been  excavated,  very 
important  discoveries  can  be  looked  for  when  the 
work  in  this  mound  is  resumed. 

Ur-Ninib's  pavement  must  have  been  used,  or 
in  other  words  kept  cleared,  for  many  centuries, 
otherwise  the  accumulations  between  it  and  .the 
next  one  above  would  be  greater.  One  and  a  half 
feet  above,  the  pavement  of  Kadashman-Turgu, 
who  lived  about  1250  B.  C,  is  found  in  some  parts 
of  the  mound.  This  Cassite  monarch  extended  the 
sides  of  the  ziggurrat,  raised  its  terraces,  restored 
its  conduits,  and  replaced  its  gutters. 

About  two  feet  above  this  is  the  pavement  of  the 
Assyrian  king  Ashurbanipal  (668-626  B.  C).  This 
great  monarch,  out  of  reverence  for  the  Nippur  gods, 
or  for  political  purposes,  devoted  considerable  time 
to  the  embellishment  of  this  ancient  sanctuary. 
As  far  as  is  known  he  is  the  last  restorer  of  Ekur. 
The  inscription  on  his  bricks,  which  is  written  in 
Sumerian,  reads:  "To  Bel,  lord  of  lands,  his  lord, 
Ashurbanipal,  his  good  shepherd,  the  mighty  king, 
the  king  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth,  Ekur, 


The  Tower  of  Babel  117 

his  house  he  built  with  burned  bricks."  In  the 
stratum  above  the  work  of  Ashurbanipal  is  found 
the  large  fortress  built  upon  the  old  temple  and  its 
tower.  This  eventually  fell  into  ruins.  Finally, 
the  late  inhabitants  of  Nippur  buried  their  dead 
in  the  mound  covering  the  remains  of  the  sanctuary 
where  the  ancients  had  worshiped  their  gods. 

Only  the  builders  or  restorers  of  the  temple  and 
its  towers  who  laid  pavements  within  the  sacred 
precincts  have  been  mentioned.  A  number  of  the 
other  builders,  after  Ur-Engur's  time,  are  represented 
by  stamped  bricks.  These  built  or  rebuilt  shrines, 
walls,  etc. 

Returning  to  the  stratum  representing  the  work 
of  Ur-Engur  and  going  downward,  there  is  found, 
from  six  to  eight  feet  below,  another  pavement  which 
was  laid  with  the  bricks  of  Sargon  I  and  Naram-Sin, 
his  son,  about  3800  B.  C.  Sargon's  bricks  are 
stamped  with  his  legend:  " Shargani-shar-ali,  king 
of  Accad,  the  builder  of  the  temple  of  Bel."  Naram- 
Sin's  inscription  reads:  "Naram-Sin,  builder  of 
the  temple  of  Bel."  It  is  quite  interesting  to  note 
that  a  large  number  of  terra-cotta  stamps,  used  by 
the  brickmakers  in  making  these  impressions  upon 
the  soft  clay  for  Sargon  and  Naram-Sin,  have  been 
found.  Some  are  very  much  worn  from  long  usage. 
These  bricks  measure  about  twenty  inches  square, 
by  about  four  inches  in  thickness.  All  have  been 
carefully  made  in  molds. 

In  the  strata  beneath  the  pavement  of  Naram- 


r 


Ik^IA^'' 


u 


^7M.    I^'^x^,,-.  I  "Vjf*» 


Terra-cotta  stamps  used  by  brick-makers.    Upper  :  "  Naram-Sin.' 
Lower:  Shargani-shar-ali  (Sargoti). 


The  Tower  of  Babel  119 

Sin,  to  the  depth  of  over  twenty-five  feet,  were 
found  thousands  of  urns  and  pottery  vessels  con- 
taining remains  of  bones  and  wood  partially  con- 
sumed by  fire.  In  some  were  found  cups  and  dishes; 
in  others,  objects  in  copper,  such  as  nails  and  battle- 
axes;  or  objects  in  stone,  such  as  beads,  seal  cylin- 
ders, and  different  kinds  of  jewelry.  Few  of  these 
jars  and  urns  were  found  intact,  having  been 
crushed  by  the  settling  of  the  ground.  Beds  of 
gray  and  white  ashes,  mixed  with  fragments  of 
pottery,  were  found  at  practically  every  level  in  these 
strata.  Here  and  there  were  discovered  terra-cotta 
drains  composed  of  perforated  rings.  Three  and  a 
half  feet  below  Naram-Sin's  pavement,  on  the  third 
campaign,  the  excavators  came  upon  a  curb,  which 
was  about  twelve  feet  from  the  ziggurrat.  It  stood 
some  twenty  inches  high,  and  evidently  served  as 
an  enclosure  for  something  in  that  early  age.  Within 
what  would  be  the  supposed  enclosure,  Dr.  Haynes 
found  what  he  regarded  as  an  altar.  It  was  built 
of  sun-dried  bricks,  thirteen  feet  long  by  eight  feet 
wide.  It  had  a  ridge  of  bitumen  running  about  its 
edge  seven  inches  high.  The  top  of  this  construction 
was  covered  with  a  layer  of  several  inches  of  white 
ashes.  Near  it  was  found  a  bin,  also  containing 
several  bushels  of  ashes.  It  was  quite  natural  for 
the  excavator  to  regard  this  as  "an  ancient  place 
where  sacrificial  victims  were  burned." 

The    results    obtained    by    the    Germans    under 
Moritz,  Koldewey,  and  Meyer,  in  1887,  at  El-Hibba 


120  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

and  Surghul,  which  are  about  six  miles  distant  from 
each  other,  were  similar  to  those  obtained  by  Dr. 
Haynes.  Around  an  immense  circular  tower  of 
two  stories  were  found  drains,  ashes,  bones,  vases, 
and  other  buried  remains.  Koldewey  concluded 
that  both  sites  represent  fire  necropoles,  which 
antedate  the  earliest  civilization  known.  In  other 
words,  the  tower  was  the  center  of  a  great  cemetery, 
where  the  people  buried  the  incinerated  remains  of 
their  dead  in  jars  and  urns,  and  where  the  rich 
built  houses,  in  which  the  defunct  were  supposed  to 
live.  It  has  been  pointed  out  that  in  pre-Sargonic 
times  the  conditions  at  Nippur  were  the  same. 

To  Professor  Hommel  belongs  the  credit  for 
conceiving  the  idea  that  the  Babylonian  stage  towers 
were  originally  sepulchral  monuments.  Taking  this 
into  consideration  with  Strabo's  reference  to  the 
"sepulcher  of  Bel"  in  Babylon,  and  Diodorus' 
"tomb  of  Ninos,"  in  Nineveh,  and  also  a  name  of 
the  ziggurrat  of  Nippur  found  on  a  cylinder  of 
Ashurbanipal,  in  which  it  is  called  E-gignnu  "house 
of  the  tomb,"  the  idea  was  then  suggested^  that  the 
ziggurrat  in  the  early  pre-Sargonic  or  Sumerian  age 
was  a  tomb  of  the  patron  deity,  and  like  a  huge 
mausoleum  was  surrounded  by  smaller  ones  of  the 
rich,  and  graves  of  the  common  people.  Future 
investigations  will  doubtless  give  us  more  light  upon 
this  interesting  question. 

^See  Hilprecht,  Explorations  in  Bible  Land,  p.  462  flf. 


The  Tower  of  Babel  121 

Some  scholars  hold  that  the  ziggurrat  is  sym- 
bolical of  the  heavenly  seat  of  the  gods.  The  deities 
being  astral,  the  whole  constellation  represents 
the  god.  The  ziggurrat  they  claim  is  the  god's 
heavenly  shrine.  The  figures  cut  in  relief  on  the 
upper  part  of  boundary  stones  which  represent  the 
deities  seem  to  express  this  theory.^  In  some  instances 
the  shrine,  god,  and  weapon  are  given.  In  others, 
the  shrine  and  the  weapon,  or  even  one  symbol.  A 
shrine  on  one  of  the  stones  appears  to  be  a  good 
representation  of  a  ziggurrat.  This  has  led  some 
scholars  to  conclude  that  the  ziggurrat  is  an  earthly 
symbol   of   the   god's   heavenly   seat.^ 

In  the  story  of  Babel  there  is  an  expression 
which  may  have  some  bearing  upon  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  tower.  That  the  builders  intended 
to  raise  its  head  into  the  very  ether  of  heaven  has 
been  the  usual  explanation  of  the  familiar  passage. 
For  centuries  the  illustrations  of  the  tower  not 
only  make  it  reach,  but  pass  through  the  clouds; 
or  as  a  recent  commentator  says:  "The  expres- 
sion is  probably  meant  here,  not  hyperbolically,  but 
literally,  "heaven"  being  regarded  as  an  actual 
vault,  which  might  be  reached,  at  least  by  a  bold 
effort."^ 

'  On  this  subject  see  Dr.  W.  J.  Hinke's  forthcoming  work, 
"A  New  Boundary  Stone  of  Nebuchadrezzar  I." 

'^Winckler,  HimmeUbild  und  Weltenbild  der  Babylonier. 
Der  alte  Orient  III  2  and  3. 

'Driver,  Commentary  on  Genesis,  p.  135. 


122  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

The  expression  in  Genesis,  "That  its  head  shall 
be  in  the  heavens,"  must  be  understood  differently. 
Concerning  Ekur  and  the  temple  of  Bel  at  Nippur, 
it  is  written :    "  O  great  mountain  of  Bel,  Imkharsag, 


Building  inscription  of  Nabopolassar,  giving  an  account  ot  his  restoration  of  the 
Tower  of  Babel,  in  which  he  says  he  raised  "  its  head  into  the  heavens." 

whose  summit  rivals  the  heavens."  But  it  was 
really  less  than  fifty  feet  high.  An  expression  like 
that  of  Genesis  is  found,  almost  word  for  word,  in 
connection  with  ziggurrats  in  a  number  of  building 


The  Tower  of  Babel  123 

inscriptions  dating  as  early  as  the  time  of  Abraham. 
For  instance,  Nabopolassar,  the  father  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, in  an  account  of  his  restoration  of  the  Tower 
of  Babel,  says:  "The  god  Marduk  caused  me  to 
lay  its  foundations  in  the  breast  of  the  earth,  and 
to  raise  its  head  into  the  heavens." 

The  Babylonians,  in  their  cosmological  concep- 
tions, divided  the  world  into  three  parts,  correspond- 
ing to  the  regions  dominated  over  by  the  triad  of 
gods,  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea.  The  region  of  Anu,  the 
god  of  heaven,  is  that  of  the  heavenly  ocean  (An), 
or  that  which  is  above  the  starry  vault.  The  region 
of  Ea  was  that  of  the  terrestrial  ocean  (Ki),  or  the 
subterranean  waters.  Bel's  region  (Lil)  was  between 
the  two,  and  corresponded  to  the  raqm'  of  Genesis, 
translated  "firmament,"  which  was  "in  the  midst 
of  the  waters,"  which  was  to  divide  the  waters 
from  the  waters.  "And  God  made  the  raqia'  and 
divided  the  waters  which  were  under  the  raqm  from 
the  waters  which  were  above  the  raqia  "  (Gen. 
1 :  6,  7).  The  raqia',  therefore,  was  between,  or 
joined  heaven  and  earth.  The  name  of  the  tower 
of  Babel  E-temen-an-ki,  "  house  (E)  of  the  founda- 
tion {temen)  of  heaven  (aw)  and  earth  (A"/),"  seems  to 
couple  in  some  way  the  two  regions.  E-ur-imin- 
an-ki,  "the  house  of  the  seven  stages  of  heaven  and 
earth,"  the  name  of  the  tower  of  Borsippa,  and 
E-gubba-an-ki  in  Dilbat,  likewise  convey  this  idea. 
One  of  the  names  for  the  ziggurrat  at  Larsa  and 
Sippara,    as   well   as   at   Nippur,    was   E-diir-an-ki 


124  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

"  house  (E)  of  the  hnk  (dur)  of  heaven  (an)  and  earth 
(M)."  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  expression 
referred  to  in  Genesis,  as  weU  as  those  referred  to 
in  the  building  inscriptions,  have  some  connection 
with    these    names    of    ziggurrats. 

The  theory  has  been  proposed,  in  connection  with 
the  name  Dur-an-ki,  that  the  ziggurrat  of  Bel  at 
Nippur  "is  the  local  representation  of  the  great 
mythological  mountain  of  the  world,"  the  region 
over  which  Bel  ruled;  and  that  it  is  symbolically 
the  "link  of  heaven  and  earth"  which  connects  the 
two  extreme  parts  of  his  empire.  The  theory  is  based 
on  the  fact  that  Bel  ruled  over  the  region  between 
An  and  Ki.  But  to  say  that  ziggurrats  are  sym- 
bolical of  the  region  over  which  Bel  ruled,  and  also 
to  assume  that  the  epithet  Dur-an-ki,  with  this 
particular  meaning,  was  afterwards  applied  to  other 
ziggurrats  which  were  dedicated  to  other  gods, 
would  be  to  connect  the  name  of  Bel  with  all 
ziggurrats.  The  former  cannot  be  proved;  and  as 
the  name  is  a  general  one,  it  does  not  seem  possible 
to  give  Bel  such  prominence  in  connection  with 
other  ziggurrats, — for  example,  those  of  Sippara  and 
Larsa,  which  were  dedicated  to  Shamash.  Sufficient 
for  the  present  is  it  to  know  that  the  expression  in 
Genesis  was  used  in  connection  with  these  towers, 
according  to  the  inscriptions;  and  that  names  of 
ziggurrats  also  contain  similar  ideas. 


VI 

THE     FOURTEENTH     CHAPTER    OF 

GENESIS 

Ever  since  Professor  Noldeke,  who,  as  early  as 
1869,  declared  that  criticism  had  forever  disproved 
the  claim  that  Genesis  14  was  historical,  the  chapter 
has  proved  a  storm  center  in  biblical  criticism. 
It  relates  how,  in  the  days  of  Amraphel,  four  kings 
of  the  East,  after  the  five  kings  of  the  Vale  of  Siddim 
had  rebelled  against  Elam,  invaded  the  land  and 
fought  them.  Abraham,  hearing  of  their  victory, 
and  that  his  brother's  son  Lot  had  been  taken 
captive,  gathered  his  trained  servants,  and  also 
his  allies,  and  pursued  the  kings,  Chedorlaomer, 
Tidal,  Amraphel,  and  Arioch,  as  far  as  Dan,  where, 
through  some  strategy  at  night,  he  routed  them 
and  pursued  them  unto  Hobah,  near  Damascus. 
On  returning,  he  restored  Lot  and  the  possessions 
of  the  king  of  Sodom,  and  paid  tithes  to  IMelchizedek, 
king  of  Salem. 

The  theory  of  the  late  origin  of  all  the  Hebrew 
Scriptures  prompted  the  critics  to  declare  this 
narrative  to  be  a  pure  invention  of  a  later  Hebrew 
writer;  in  fact,  a  fanciful  midrash,  or  a  post-exilic 
forgery.      The    patriarchs    were    relegated    to    the 

125 


126  Lis-ht  on  the  Old  Testament 


*o 


region  of  myth  and  legend.  Abraham  was  made  a 
fictitious  father  of  the  Hebrews.  He  was  created 
in  the  late  days  of  Judaism  by  an  idealizer  of  ancestry, 
in  order  to  project  backwards  the  beginning  of  the 
Hebrew  race.  Some  saw  in  Abraham  the  name  of  a 
clan;  others  declared  him  to  be  a  product  of  the 
Israelitish  tendency  to  personify  ideas ;  while  others 
considered  him  to  be  a  god,  presumably  the  moon- 
god.  Genesis  14,  some  claim  is  a  narrative  of  some 
predatory  raid  against  Canaan  by  a  party  of  Bed- 
ween  Arabs,  to  which  legend  the  names  of  Lot  and 
Abraham  were  tacked  on;  the  whole  story  being 
afterwards  elaborated  by  some  later  writer  into 
the  shape  in  which  it  now  presents  itself.  Or,  again, 
the  whole  story  is  a  fiction  based  upon  the  Assyrian 
conquest  of  Palestine  in  the  later  days.  These  critics 
usuahy  begin  the  history  of  the  Hebrews  with  the 
Exodus  of  Israel  from  Egypt,  or  with  the  en- 
trance into  Western  Canaan. 

Even  the  political  situation  was  declared  to  be 
inconsistent  with  fact.  A  military  expedition  of 
such  proportions  at  that  early  date  was  regarded 
as  incredible.  Even  the  names  of  the  kings  are 
etymological  plays  upon  subsequent  events.  In 
short,  they  said,  monumental  evidence  to  show  that 
the  narrative  is  historical  is  totally  wanting. 

In  the  light  of  what  has  been  discovered,  Pro- 
fessor Noldeke  and  his  line  of  followers  naturally 
have  changed  a  few  of  their  views.  Certain  scholars 
now  seem  to  think  that,  as  some  of  these  theories 


The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis    127 

are  no  longer  held,  by  reason  of  what  is  now  known, 
there  is  no  longer  any  occasion  to  refer  to  them. 
But  inasmuch  as  a  large  number  are  still  maintained, 
some  of  which  are  exceedingly  far-reaching,  and  are 
based  on  highly  insufficient  grounds  or,  in  fact,  no 
data  whatever,  the  general  public  has  a  right  to 
know  what  has  become  of  the  others  which  were 
advanced  by  scholars  of  repute,  as  well  as  to  con- 
sider the  theories  which  are  still  promulgated. 

Weighing  carefully  the  position  taken  by  the 
critics  in  the  light  of  what  has  been  revealed  through 
the  decipherment  of  the  cuneiform  inscriptions, 
we  find  that  the  very  foundations  upon  which 
their  theories  rest,  with  reference  to  the  points  that 
could  be  tested,  totally  disappear.  The  truth  is  that 
wherever  any  light  has  been  thrown  upon  the  subject 
through  the  excavations,  their  hypotheses  have 
invariably  been  found  wanting.  Moreover,  what 
remains  of  their  theories  is  based  upon  purely 
speculative  grounds. 

In  the  first  place,  instead  of  the  names  of  the  four 
kings  being  "etymological  inventions"  of  imaginary 
characters,  we  now  know  that  they  are  real;  and  the 
persons  that  bore  them  are  historical.  It  is  now 
generally  admitted  that  Amraphel,  king  of  Shinar, 
and  the  great  Hammurabi  are  to  be  identified  as  one 
and  the  same  person.  In  a  text  from  Sippara,  his 
name  is  written  Ammurabi.  In  a  letter  written  by 
Asharidu  to  Asnapper  (Ashurbanipal) ,  his  name  is 
written  Ammurapi.     The  first  element  in  the  names 


128 


Lislit  on  the  Old  Testament 


of  two  other  rulers  of  the  first  dynasty,  i.  e.,  Ammi- 
zaduga  and  Ammi-ditana,  in  all  probability  is  the 
same;  namely,  Hammu.  Although  explained  by 
the  Babylonian  writer  as  having  the  same  meaning 


Biblical  Amraphel  in  bas-relief. 


as  Hammu  (namely,  "kimiu'')  in  these  names, 
the  element  in  the  latter  names  is  always  written 
without  h.  For  the  addition  of  the  letter  /  in  Am- 
raphel in  the  Hebrew  orthography,  no  satisfactory 


The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis     129 

explanation  has  as  yet  been  offered.  Some  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  contract  literature 
of  this  period  there  is  a  name  Hammurabi-il{u) 
"Hammurabi  is  a  god."  The  change  of  6  to  ^ 
offers  no  philological  difficulty.  These  scholars 
have  suggested  that  this  name  is  "letter  for  letter 
the  Amraphel  of  Genesis."  This  view,  however,  is 
not  generally  accepted  by  Assyriologists. 

While  great  uncertainties  exist  in  all  chronological 
calculations  for  the  years  before  Christ,  the  date  of 
Amraphel,  according  to  the  Hebrew  chronology, 
synchronizes  in  a  general  way  with  that  of  Hammu- 
rabi, according  to  the  inscriptions.  By  the  Hebrew 
chronology  is  not  meant  Ussher's,  with  which  all 
English  Bible  students  are  familiar.  The  author 
of  that  system,  thinking  that  the  sojourn  of  Israel 
in  Egypt  could  not  have  lasted  four  hundred  and 
thirty  years,  used  in  this  connection  the  number  of 
years  given  by  the  Septuagint  version;  namely, 
two  hundred  and  fifteen  years.  Using  the  Hebrew 
text  throughout,  Abram's  entrance  into  Canaan 
should  be  fixed  at  about  2136  B.  C.  instead  of 
1921  B.  C, 

A  number  of  Assyriologists  fix  the  date  for  Ham- 
murabi at  2250,  while  others  make  it  2100  B.  C. 
At  the  present  time  there  is  no  way  of  fully  deter- 
mining this  point.  There  are  dynastic  lists  of  kings 
for  the  second  millennium,  but  they  are  more  or 
less  incomplete  and  uncertain.     The  statement  by 

9 


130  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Nabonidus'   that  Hammurabi  lived  seven  hundred 
years    before    Burna-Buriash,    who    reigned    about 


Clay  cone  of  Hammurabi,  referring  to  his  buildings! 

T  4.00  B.  C,  would  make  his  date  about  2100  B.  C. 

'  Rawlinson,  Inscriptions  of  Western  Asia,  I,  69  b  4-8. 


The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis     131 

This  statement  is  remarkable,  for  it  makes  his  date 
in  the  Babylonian  practically  the  same  as  in  the 
Hebrew  chronology.  This  fact  is  strikingly  impor- 
tant. Why?  Think  of  a  late  Hebrew  writer  invent- 
ing the  story  of  Abraham,  in  which  he  makes  use  of 
the  names  of  historical  personages,  as  some  critics 
now  declare,  and  has  so  arranged  his  chron- 
ological statements  in  making  Abraham  their 
contemporary  that  their  dates  synchronize.  This 
Hebrew  fiction-writer,  or  collector  of  legends,  it 
surely  must  be  acknowledged,  was  a  phenomenal 
chronologer. 

Hammurabi  had  his  capital  at  Babylon.  The 
limits  of  Shinar,  over  which  he  ruled  m  the  early 
part  of  his  reign,  are  not  known.  If  it  is  correct  to 
regard  the  name  as  the  Hebrew  equivalent  of 
Shumer,  which  was  the  name  of  Southern  Babylonia, 
then  we  must  recognize  the  fact  that  Arioch  calls 
himself,  not  only  King  of  Larsa  (Ellasar),  but  uses 
as  well  the  general  title,  "King  of  Shumer  and 
Accad"  (page  136).  Doubtless  in  the  early  part 
of  his  reign  his  kingdom  was  limited  to  the  environs 
of  Babylon.  After  the  control  of  Elam  was  shaken 
off,  and  Rim-Sin  (Arioch)  was  conquered,  Shumer 
in  its  entirety  came  under  his  sway,  after  which  time 
he  adopted  this  general  title. 

Chedorlaomer,  king  of  Elam,  has  not  as  yet  been 
identified.  His  name,  however,  is  composed  of  two 
elements  which  are  well  known;  namely,  Kudur, 
meaning,  in  the  language  of  Elam,  "servant,"  and 


132  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  god  Lagamar,  which  is  one  of  the  prominent 
Elamitic  deities.  The  name,  in  other  words,  is 
similar  in  formation  to  the  Elamitic  names,  Kudur- 
Mabug    and    Kudur-Nankhundi. 

Doctor  Theophilus  G.  Pinches  offers  a  translation^ 
of  fragments  of  a  tablet,  which  some  hold  may  refer 
to  the  king  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament.  On 
one  of  these  he  informs  us  that  after  referring  to 
Babylon,  and  to  the  property  of  that  city,  small 
and  great,  it  is  said  that  the  gods  [apparently] 

in  their  faithful    counsel    to  Kudur-Lakhgunial,    king 
of  the  land  of  Elani     ....  said,  "  Descend.  "   The  thing 
which  unto  them  was  good  [he  performed,  and]  he 
exercised  sovereignty  in  Babylon,  the  city  of 
Kar-Duniash. 

If  correctly  translated  by  Doctor  Pinches,  it  would 
imply  that  an  Elamitic  ruler,  named  Kudur-Lakhgu- 
mal  had  conquered  Babylon.  Dur-sir-ilani  son  of 
Eri-Ekua  (also  WTitten  Eri-Eaku),  together  with 
"Tudkhula,  attacked  and  spoiled  Babylon."  For 
paleographical  reasons,  Doctor  Pinches  regards  these 
inscriptions  as  belonging  to  the  age  following  the 
Persian  period,  and  holds  that  the  peculiar  associa- 
tion of  these  three  names  is  simply  a  striking  coinci- 
dence. If  these  three  names  are  correctly  trans- 
lated it  would  almost  seem  that  they  represent  the 
biblical  Chedorlaomer,  Arioch,  and  Tidal,  and  that 
we   doubtless  have  an  effort  on  the  part  of  a  late 

'  The  Old  Testament,  in  the  Light  of  the  Historical  Records 
of  Assyria  and  Babylonia,  p.  222  ff. 


The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis    133 

scribe  to  put  in  writing  some  early  legendary 
material.  Other  scholars,  who  have  seen  the  in- 
scriptions, seem  to  be  disposed  to  question  the 
reading  of  the  names. 

As  early  as  the  days  of  Rawlinson  and  George 
Smith,  Rim-Sin,  king  of  Larsa,  the  son  of  Kudur- 
Mabug  of  Elam,  has  been  regarded  as  identical  with 
the  bibHcal  Arioch,  king  of  Ehasar.  This  iden- 
tification, however,  has  been  questioned  by  some 
scholars,  who  say  that  it  cannot  be  proved. 

The  first  element  in  the  name  of  this  ruler  is 
usually  written  with  the  sign  commonly  read  ardu, 
"servant."  The  variant  reading,  Ri-im,  determines 
its  value  in  this  name.  A  bilingual  text  gives  for 
the  same  sign  the  value  E-ri,  which  may  be  Sumerian 
or  Elamitic,  or  it  is  a  dialectical  value  for  the 
character.  Akii  is  a  well  known  equivalent  for  the 
moon-god  Sin.  In  the  Hght  of  these  facts,  and 
because  of  other  considerations,  it  follows  that 
Rim-Sin  in  all  probabiHty  is  a  Semitized  form  of 
the  name  Eri-Aku  (Arioch),  and  that  they  are 
identical. 

The  difference  between  the  name  of  the  city 
Larsa  and  Ellasar  must,  of  course,  be  taken  into 
consideration.  But  corruption  in  the  text,  due  to 
frequent  transmission,  could  easily  be  accepted  as  a 
reasonable  explanation  in  order  to  account  for  this 
change. 

Kudur-Mabug,  the  son  of  Shimti-Shilkhak,  was 
the  father  of  Arioch.     Exactly  what  relation  Chedor- 


134  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

laomer  was  to  Kudur-Mabug  cannot  be  determined. 
He  was  doubtless  his  father  or  his  brother.    Kudur- 


Bronze  Canephorus  dedicated  to  Nana  by  Kudur-Mabug,  the  father  of  Arioch  of 
Ellasar,  mentioned  in  Genesis  xiv. 

Mabug  does  not  have  the  title   "King  of  Elam," 
but  only  Prince  of  Emutbal,  i.  e.,  the  western  part 


The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis     135 

of  Elam.  Chedorlaomer  was  in  all  probability 
king  of  Elam,  while  his  son  or  brother  was  prince 
of  Emutbal,  and  his  grandson  or  nephew  was  king  of 
Larsa. 

Prior  to  Hammurabi's  thirty-first  year,  when  he 
threw  off  the  yoke  of  Elam,  Arioch  the  Elamite 
reigned  over  a  considerable  portion  of  southern 
Babylonia.  Up  to  the  present  time  only  three  rulers 
of  Larsa  are  known.  Nur-Ramman,  the  builder 
of  two  sanctuaries  in  that  city,  was  succeeded  by 
Sin-idinnam  (not  the  governor  under  Hammurabi 
by  the  same  name),  who  restored  and  embellished 
the  fane  of  Shamash,  also  in  that  city,  besides 
constructing  canals  and  other  works.  He  calls 
himself  "the  Preserver  of  Ur,  King  of  Larsa  and 
King  of  Shumer  and  Accad,"  which  title  embraced 
practically  lower  Babylonia.  The  third  known 
ruler  of  Larsa  is  Arioch.  Exactly  how  Elam  came 
to  dominate  over  this  region  is  not  known,  as  the 
inscriptions  of  these  rulers  throw  no  light  upon  the 
subject.  Perhaps  it  was  brought  about  by  the 
invasion  of  Kudur-Nankhundi,  who  invaded  Baby- 
lonia, according  to  Ashurbanipal,  about  2285  B.  C. 
Or,  it  may  date  from  the  fall  of  Nisin.  The  seven- 
teenth year  of  Sin-muballit,  the  father  of  Hammurabi, 
was  called  "  the  year  in  which  the  city  of  Nisin  was 
taken."  The  dating  of  contracts  bearing  Rim- 
Sin's  name  shows  that  that  event  marked  an  epoch 
for  dating  tablets;  for  example:  "The  fifth  year 
of  the   taking  of  Nisin."     They  are   found  dated 


136  Light  on  the  Okl  Testament 

as  high  as  the  thirtieth,  which  corresponds  to  the 
twenty-sixth  year  of  Hammurabi,  if  that  event 
took  place  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  his  father's 
reign.  Arioch  ruled,  besides  Larsa  where  he  had 
the  seat  of  his  government,  over  Ur,  Eridu,  Lagash, 
and  Nippur;  in  other  words,  as  mentioned  above, 
southern  Babylonia.  Taking  these  things  into 
consideration,  and  especially  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  he  used  the  title  "  King  of  Shumer  and  Accad," 
which  really  embraced  the  city  of  Babylon,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  but  that  Hammurabi,  although 
ruler  of  Babylon,  inherited  a  throne  which  was  sub- 
ject to  Elam,  and  that  he  was  a  dependent  upon 
this  son  of  that  land  in  the  early  years  of  his  reign. 
This  means  that  the  army  of  Shinar,  and  its  king, 
could  be  controlled  by  that  nation.  We  have  here  a 
reason  why  Shinar  and  Elam  were  associated 
together  in  the  campaigns  against  the  kings  of  the 
West-land.  Further,  as  mentioned  above,  Arioch 
king  of  Larsa  was  the  son  of  the  Elamite  Kudur- 
Mabug,  which  fact  offers  a  very  satisfactory  reason 
why  the  armies  of  Larsa  and  Elam  should  be  allies 
in  this  campaign.  In  short,  we  have  reasons  why 
three  of  the  four  kings  should  be  allied  in  reconquer- 
ing these  rebellious  subjects  of  the  king  of  Elam. 
This  is  a  remarkable  confirmation  of  the  historical 
value  of  the  chapter.  When  history  records  such  a 
confederation  of  powers,  it  is  highly  important  to 
ascertain  the  cause  of  such  a  union.  And  that  w^e 
are  able  in  these  days  to  give  the  reasons  for  the 


The  Foui'teentli  Chapter  of  Genesis     137 

coalition  of  three  of  the  four  nations,  in  this  earhest 
of  Hebrew  records  that  we  can  hope  to  corroborate  by 
the    help    of    the    monuments,    seems    wonderful. 

In  a  number  of  inscriptions,  Kudur-Mabug  also 
calls  himself  Adda  Martu,  which  means  "  Prince  of 
the  land  of  Amurru  (Palestine  and  Syria)."  In 
other  words,  the  inscriptions  prior  to  the  over- 
throw of  Elam  and  Larsa  record  the  supremacy  of 
Elam  over  this  region.  This  is  in  strict  accordance 
with  Genesis,  for  we  are  told,  "  twelve  years  they 
(the  five  kings)  served  Chedorlaomer  (the  king  of 
Elam),  and  in  the  thirteenth  year  they  rebelled." 
This  is  another  remarkable  confirmation  of  the 
accuracy  of  the  historical  details  of  this  chapter. 

After  Hammurabi  conquered  Elam  and  Arioch, 
he  adopted  this  title.  We  learn  that  the  second  in 
succession  after  Hammurabi,  namely,  Ammi-ditana, 
continued  to  regard  himself  as  prince  of  this  country. 
This  fact  doubtless  explains  why  Shinar  heads  the 
list  in  the  first  verse  of  the  chapter.  The  episode  is 
dated  in  the  days  of  Amraphel,  whereas  the  country, 
when  the  invasion  took  place,  was  subject  to  Elam. 
It  is  because  the  record  was  written  after  Hammurabi 
had  become  the  suzerain  of  the  land. 

The  critics  also  urged  as  an  argument  against  the 
credibility  of  the  campaign,  the  difficulty  in  believ- 
ing that  a  military  expedition  at  this  early  date 
could  be  sent  from  that  region.  We  have  seen  that 
the  inscriptions  of  Elam  of  this  time  claim  for  the 
king,   supremacy    of    Syria    and    Palestine.      That 


138  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

fact  conclusively  meets  their  argument.  But  further, 
in  an  inscription  of  Lugal-zaggisi,  about  4000  B.C., 
we  learn  that  this  ruler  accomplished,  about  two 
thousand  years  before  Abraham  was  born,  what 
these  critics  said  was  not  to  be  considered  as  possible 
as  early  as  the  patriarch's  days.  In  other  words,  he 
conquered  the  land  from  the  Persian  Gulf  unto 
the  Mediterranean.  On  the  following  page  a  por- 
tion of  his  inscription  which  is  in  the  Museum  of 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  (see  page  44)  reads: 

When  Bel,  lord  of  lands  to  Lugal-zaggisi  the  kingship 
of  the  world  had  given,  before  the  world  had  made  him 
to  prosper,  lands  under  his  power  had  given;  from  the 
rising  of  the  sun  to  the  going  down  of  the  sun  he  sub- 
dued; then  from  the  sea,  the  lower,  the  Tigris  and  Eu- 
phrates, to  the  sea,  the  upper,  his  path  he  made  straight; 
from  the  rising  of  the  sun  to  the  going  down  of  sun. 
Bel,  the  ruler  over  everything  (?)  delivered  unto  him, 
[and]   the  lands  dwell  in  peace. 

The  bearing  of  all  these  results  upon  the  question 
has  forced  the  critics  to  propound  a  new  hypothesis, 
which  in  substance,  as  regards  its  relation  to  the 
historicity  of  the  patriarchal  period,  is  equally 
obstinately  negative  in  character.  In  the  exile  the 
Hebrew  writer  became  acquainted  with  these  names 
of  ancient  Babylonian  and  Elamitic  history,  besides 
other  authentic  data,  and  then  invented  the  story, 
in  which  the  fictitious  Abraham  was  brought  into 
conflict  with  them  and  made  the  hero.  In  the  light 
of  ancient  discoveries,  were  this  correct,  we  should 


The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis    139 

be  forced  to  exclaim,  What  accurate  knowledge  of 
early   Babylonian,    Elamitic,   and   Palestine   affairs 


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A  portion  of  the  inscription  on  the  votive  vases  of  Lugal-zaggisi.    See  oppo- 
site page  for  the  translation  beginning  at  line  4. 

was  possessed  by  this  historian!    In  short,  the  work 
of  this  Hebrew  investigator  of  questions  in  historical 


140  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

geography  and  in  the  pohtical  affairs  of  several 
ancient  nations,  which,  as  mentioned  before,  shows 
such  a  surprisingly  accurate  knowledge  of  chrono- 
logical and  other  data,  would  certainly  be  unique. 
Historians  should  insist  that  this  unknown  savant 
be  canonized  or  immortalized. 

The  chapter  on  the  other  hand,  as  has  been  pointed 
out,  offers  every  indication  that  the  data  bearing 
upon  Palestine  belong,  not  to  the  late  days  of  Hebrew 
history,  but  to  very  ancient  times.  With  possibly 
only  one  exception,  the  names  of  peoples  and  places, 
as  far  as  they  have  been  identified,  indicate  that 
they  belong  to  a  pre-biblical  period.  When  the 
document  which  had  been  handed  down  was  used, 
the  writer  found  it  necessary  to  introduce,  by  way 
of  explanation,  the  names  familiar  in  his  own  day; 
as,  for  instance,  "  Bela  (the  same  is  Zoar),"  "  En- 
mishpat  (the  same  is  Kadesh)."  Would  these 
critics  suggest  that  the  writer  introduced  these 
explanatory  notes  in  order  that  his  romance  might 
have  the  appearance  of  an  ancient  document? 
These  glosses,  and  in  fact  everything,  seem  to  point 
to  early  Palestine  origin  for  the  record.  But  with 
this  phase  of  the  subject,  upon  which  considerable 
can  be  said,  we  are  not  at  the  present  concerned. 

In  order  to  demonstrate  what  a  change  archeology 
has  wrought  in  a  few  years,  and  also  to  show  how 
some  critics  have  readjusted  themselves,  offering  that 
which  is  still  far-reaching  as  regards  the  historical 
worth  of  the  chapter,  let  me  quote  the  following 


The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis     141 

by  Professor  George  Adam  Smith.  In  his  "Modern 
Criticism  and  the  Preaching  of  the  Old  Testament" 
(p.  loi),  he  says:  "We  must  admit  that  while 
archaeology  has  richly  illustrated  the  possibility 
of  the  main  outlines  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  from 
Abraham  to  Joseph,  it  has  not  one  whit  of  proof 
to  offer  for  the  personal  existence  or  characters  of 
the  patriarchs  themselves.  .  .  .  But  amidst 
all  that  crowded  life  we  peer  in  vain  for  any  trace 
of  the  fathers  of  the  Hebrews;  we  listen  in  vain 
for  any  mention  of  their  names.  This  is  the  whole 
change  archaeology  has  wrought:  it  has  given  us 
a  background  and  an  atmosphere  for  the  stories 
of  Genesis;  it  is  unable  to  recall  or  certify  their 
heroes." 

What  a  change  recent  researches  have  brought 
about!  With  what  silence  the  former  conclusions, 
which  were  proclaimed  with  the  utmost  assurance, 
are  now  treated!  Instead  of  the  historical  back- 
ground being  altogether  different  from  that  repre- 
sented in  Genesis,  it  is  now  admitted  to  be  in  strict 
accordance  with  it.  And  on  the  other  hand,  while 
so  much  light  has  been  thrown  upon  this  chapter, 
in  which  the  very  "atmosphere"  is  acknowledged 
as  having  been  restored,  absolutely  nothing  has  been 
revealed  whereby  its  accuracy  can  be  impugned, — 
let  me  repeat,  absolutely  nothing.  Doubt,  however, 
continues  to  be  thrown  upon  the  historicity  of  the 
patriarchs  themselves;  and  they  are  relegated  to 
the  region  of  myth  and  legend ;  not  because  a  single 


142  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

datum  has  been  found  to  substantiate,  inferentially 
or  otherwise,  such  a  view,  but  because  some  have 
"  peered  in  vain  for  any  trace  "  of  them  in  the  records 
of  the  past;  or  they  have  their  fanciful  theories  to 
propound. 

As  stated  before,  when  contact  with  a  foreign 
power  is  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  we 
are  able  to  examine  the  annals  of  that  power,  refer- 
ence to  such  contact  is  in  nearly  every  case  found. 
While  Elamitic  and  Babylonian  inscriptions  may  be 
discovered  which  will  mention  this  well-known 
invasion,  the  truth  is,  even  the  most  sanguine 
archeologist  could  not  expect  from  such  sources 
any  mention  whatever  of  the  patriarch  himself.^ 
Abraham  was  a  small  shaykh,  a  tolerated  inhabi- 
tant ;  perhaps  one  of  the  many  who  in  his  day  occu- 
pied that  region.  He  grazed  his  flocks  in  one  locality 
until  the  pasture  was  insufficient  for  his  herds, 
after  which  he  found  it  necessary  to  move  on.  When 
he  desired  to  secure  Lot  from  the  invaders,  he  could 


^  Some  years  ago  Professor  Hommel,  through  an  oversight, 
made  the  statement  that  the  name  Abi-ramit  (Abram)  was 
found  on  a  contract  tablet  of  the  Hammurabi  dynasty.  (vSee  also 
Pinches,  Old  Testament  in  Light,  etc.,  p.  148.)  This  has  quite 
frequently  been  used  by  others;  but  the  name  is  to  be  read 
Abi-erakh.  See  Ranke,  Die  Personcnnaincn  in  den  Urkunden  der 
Hamniitrabidynastie,  p.  48.  Abi-ramu  (Abram)  is  found  to  be 
the  name  of  an  official  during  the  reign  of  Esarhaddon,  and 
recently  has  been  found  on  an  Egyptian  monument  belonging 
to  Shishak,  as  reported  in  the  Palestine  Exploration  Quarterly 
Statement,  Jan.   1905,  p.   7. 


The  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Genesis     143 

only  muster  three  hundred  and  eighteen  men,  which 
included  those  of  his  alhes,  Aner,  Eshcol  and  Mamre. 
And  although  the  four  kings  were  routed  by  some 
kind  of  strategy,  even  if  annals  were  written,  as  in 
later  times,  any  reference  to  a  disaster  would  be 
entirely  unlooked-for;  besides,  Abraham  was  very 
likely  unknown  to  them  by  name. 

The  increase  of  knowledge  gained  through  the 
inscriptions  of  this  period  has  in  every  instance 
dissolved  conclusions  arrived  at  by  those  critics 
who  maintain  that  the  patriarchs  are  not  to  be 
regarded  as  historical.  And  in  view  of  these  things 
is  it  not  reasonable  to  expect  the  specialist  who 
desires  to  theorize  to  confine  his  suppositions  and 
conjectures,  until  he  has  some  kind  of  facts  upon 
which  to  base  them,  to  scientific  journals,  or,  in 
other  words,  that  he  should  not  popularize  them,  and 
bring  them  within  the  range  of  the  understanding 
of  the  Sunday-school  scholar. 


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VII 

BABYLONIAN    LIFE    IN    THE    DAYS 
OF    ABRAHAM 

Not  many  decades  ago,  Abraham  was  supposed 
to  belong  well-nigh  to  the  dawn  of  civilization.  That 
there  was  a  nation  with-  a  highly-developed  culture 
millenniums  before  his  day  was  not  generally 
appreciated,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  we  learn 
in  Genesis  that  he  came  in  contact,  for  instance, 
w4th  the  Hittite,  a  representative  of  a  mighty  nation 
to  the  north  of  Palestine,  the  Amorite,  and  other 
peoples  of  Canaan,  besides  a  pharaoh  of  Egypt. 
The  excavator,  archeologist,  and  decipherer  have 
given  a  clearer  conception  of  those  days,  and  have 
already  restored  the  history  of  a  period  about  as 
long  prior  to  Abraham  as  we  are  after ;  or,  in  other 
words,  they  now^  place  the  patriarch  midway  in 
the  written  history  of  man. 

The  dynasty  that  governed  Babylon  during 
Abraham's  life  is  known  as  the  first  dynasty  of 
Babylon.  The  names  of  the  rulers  are:  Sumu-abi, 
Sumu-la-ilu,  Zabium,  Abil-Sin,  Sin-muballit,  Ham- 
murabi, Samsu-iluna,  Abi-eshukh,  Ammi-ditana, 
Ammi-zaduga,  and  Samsu-ditana.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  one  or  two  scholars,  who  believe  that  all  the 

lo  145 


146  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

rulers  were  of  Babylonian  origin,  scholars  unite  in 
saying  that  they  are  not  indigenous  to  the  land, 
except  perhaps  Sin-muballit  and  Abil-Sin.  Even 
these  were  doubtless  foreigners,  who  had  assumed 
Babylonian  names,  a  practise  commonly  known  to 
have  existed.  The  nomenclature  of  the  contract 
literature  of  this  dynasty,  having  hundreds  of 
foreign  names,  shows  unmistakably  that  a  large 
foreign  Semitic  population  was  settled  in  Babylonia 
at  this  time,  especially  in  the  vicinity  of  Sippar. 
Earlier  literature  does  not  show  this  influence,  while 
in  the  Cassite  period,  several  centuries  later  than 
the  time  of  which  we  speak,  it  has  totally  dis- 
appeared. 

The  exact  source  of  this  foreign  influence  is  also 
a  controverted  point.  Some  scholars  declare  that 
the  origin  of  the  dynasty  is  Arabian,  while  others 
regard  the  rulers  to  be  Canaanites.  This  much  seems 
to  be  certain :  They  can  be  called  Western  Semites 
or  Amorites.  The  country  Amurru,  i.  e.,  the  West- 
land,  embraced  the  entire  country  west  of  the 
Euphrates  up  to  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Perhaps  it  even  included  the  northern  part  of 
Arabia ;  this  would  account  for  the  foreign  element 
in  Babylonia  at  this  time,  which  shows  Arabic 
influences. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  Semitic  tongues  of  Arabia, 
Canaan,  and  other  parts  of  this  district  of  this 
early  time,  is  too  meager  to  come  to  any  further 
conclusions  on  the  subject.    The  earliest  date  tenta- 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham         147 

tively  fixed  for  the  Minasan  (Arabic)  inscriptions 
is  1400  B.  C.  The  earHest  extra-bibhcal  inscriptions 
of  Canaanite  origin  are  the  glosses  written  in  Hebrew 
on  the  Tel  el-Amarna  cuneiform  tablets,  which 
belong  to  the  same  period;  in  other  words,  about 
seven  centuries  after  the  time  of  Hammurabi. 
What  language  was  spoken  in  Canaan  in  his  day  is 
not  known.  The  Western-Semitic  names  in  question 
may  be  found  later  on  to  represent  the  Palestine 
language  of  that  time.  It  may  have  been  a  kind 
of  a  mixture  of  Arabic,  or  of  some  other  Semitic 
language,  which  developed  into  what  we  know  as 
Hebrew.  But  the  writer  is  inclined  to  think  that 
the  language  of  Canaan,  as  represented  in  the  later 
times  by  the  Hebrew,  Phoenician,  and  the  Moabitic 
dialects,  goes  back  to  a  time  in  Palestine  so  remote 
as  to  be  lost  in  the  mists  of  antiquity.  If,  for  in- 
stance, the  Babylonian  is  already  a  fixed  tongue  at 
4000  B.  C,  and  has  changed  grammatically  very 
little  in  the  four  thousand  years  of  its  known  history ; 
and,  also,  if  the  oldest  portion  of  Hebrew,  generally 
fixed  not  later  than  1500  B.  C,  is  very  little  different 
from  the  latest  Hebrew,  showing  that  it  was  already 
a  fixed  language  at  that  early  date,  it  seems  that 
we  have  excellent  reasons  for  concluding  that  the 
language  of  Canaan  was  practically  the  same  in 
the  days  of  the  first  dynasty  of  Babylon  as  it  was  a 
few  centuries  later.  If,  therefore,  the  foreign  ele- 
ments referred  to  cannot  be  regarded  as  belonging 
to   the   Canaanite   language,    or   the    Hebrew  with 


148  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

which  we  are  famihar,  then  the  influence  must  come 
from  elsewhere.  Presumably,  however,  this  much 
is  certain:  the  language  is  one  of  the  Western- 
Semitic    tongues. 

While  a  number  of  kings  reigned  in  this  dynasty 
prior  to  Hammurabi  (the  Amraphel  of  Genesis  14), 
the  country  over  which  they  ruled  seems  to  be 
limited  to  the  district  about  Babylon.  The  land  was 
divided  into  petty  principalities,  each  having  its 
independent  system  of  government.  An  Elamite, 
w^hose  name  was  Rim-Sin  or  Arioch,  exercised 
control  over  the  southern  part  of  the  valley,  with 
his  government  at  Larsa.  But  in  Hammurabi's 
thirty-first  year,  when  he  conquered  this  land  as 
well  as  Emutbal,  a  part  of  Elam,  the  entire  country 
came    under    his    sway    (see    preceding   chapter). 

The  usual  order  had  been  that,  when  a  king  con- 
quered one  of  the  surrounding  rulers,  tribute  was 
exacted,  and  the  conquered  one  was  held  in  sub- 
jection by  force.  Such  a  union  was  dissolved  as 
soon  as  the  one  conquered  was  strong  enough  to 
throw  off  the  yoke,  or  the  conquering  city  had  in 
turn  been  conquered  by  another.  Hammurabi, 
however,  introduced  a  new  policy.  He  not  only 
controlled  effectively  the  country  which  he  had 
acquired  through  conquest,  but  he  amalgamated  the 
heterogeneous  and  discordant  elements  into  a  united 
kingdom.  He  unified  them  by  reorganizing  their 
administrations,  and  appointed  over  them  those  who 
were   familiar  with  his    own  form  of   government. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        149 

His  officers  assumed  control  of  the  various  centers, 
which  were  developed  along  prescribed  lines  until 
all  were  welded  into  one  united  whole,  with  the 
central  government  at  Babylon.  For  nearly  two 
millenniums,  including  the  centuries  of  the  foreign 
rule  of  the  Cassites,  Assyrians,  Persians,  and  others, 
the  hegemony  of  Babylon  which  was  established 
by  his  efforts  was  not  disturbed. 

Hammurabi's  administrative  ability  is  well  illus- 
trated by  a  large  number  of  his  official  letters, 
which  have  been  published  by  Mr.  L.  W.  King, 
of  the  British  Museum.  They  were  all  written  by 
the  same  scribe,  and  addressed  to  his  governor  Sin- 
idinnam,  at  Larsa.  The  latter  had  jurisdiction  over 
several  other  cities,  among  them  being  Ur  and 
Erech.  The  fact  that  he  was  stationed  at  Larsa 
would  imply  that  the  letters  which  are  not  dated 
belong  to  the  period  subsequent  to  the  defeat  of 
Elam,  i.  e.,  after  the  thirty-first  year  of  his  reign; 
for  Arioch,  the  Elamite  prince,  had  his  capital  at 
that  city. 

The  letters  originally  had  been  encased,  the 
envelopes  containing  the  address,  something  like 
"To  Sin-idinnam.  "  The  cases  doubtless  contained, 
in  addition  to  the  address,  the  impressions  of  Ham- 
murabi's seal.  On  the  receipt  of  a  letter  the  case 
was  peeled  off.  Here  and  there  small  portions  of 
the  envelopes  have  adhered  to  the  letters.  Being 
a  king's  epistle  to  a  subject,  the  opening  formula 
is    brief:       "Unto    Sin-idinnam    say: — thus    saith 


150  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Hammurabi. "  What  he  desired  to  communicate 
immediately    followed. 

Through  this  correspondence  we  get  a  remarkable 
insight  into  the  internal  affairs  of  his  administration. 
From  it  we  learn  that  one  of  the  characteristic 
features  of  his  reign  was  that  he  gave  personal 
attention  to  minor  details,  as  well  as  to  the  general 
oversight  of  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom.  In  one  letter, 
an  order  is  given  that  certain  Elamite  goddesses, 
which  had  been  taken  in  conquest,  should  be  brought 
to  Babylon.  In  another  letter,  he  orders  that  they 
should  be  returned  to  their  shrines.  Special  atten- 
tion is  devoted  to  the  construction,  repairing,  and 
dredging  of  canals,  in  order  to  develop  the  natural 
resources  of  the  land.  The  work  seems  to  have  been 
conducted  by  the  government.  The  residents  along 
the  canals  were  required  to  keep  them  in  repair, 
but  the  general  oversight  of  this  work  w^as  in  the 
hands  of  the  king.  He  is  found  superintending  the 
collection  of  revenues,  exercising  control  over  the 
priesthood,  and  requiring  the  strict  observance  of 
omens  in   order  that   disasters  might  be   avoided. 

Again,  we  find  the  king  giving  orders  for  the 
restoration  of  property,  which  had  been  illegally 
claimed  or  retained,  or  for  the  investigation  of 
personal  claims.  In  some  instances  he  sent  instruc- 
tions as  to  how  cases  were  to  be  tried.  Several 
letters  are  practically  warrants  for  the  arrest  of 
certain  individuals,  who  were  to  be  brought  to  Baby- 
lon.   Some  are  summonses  for  officials  to  render  their 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        151 

accounts,  that  they  might  be  audited.  Orders  are 
given  for  the  despatching  of  troops,  and  ships,  or 
for  the  sheep-shearers  to  come  to  the  capital  in 
order  to  take  part  in  the  annual  festival.  Directions 
are  given  for  the  cutting  of  certain  kinds  of  trees, 
or  for  the  transportation  of  slaves  and  workmen, 
or  of  products,  to  Babylon.  He  arranged  for  the 
inspection  of  royal  flocks  and  herds.  In  other  words, 
the  king  seems  to  have  given  attention  to  the  smallest 
detail  of  his  administration.  While  the  governor 
is  requested  to  investigate  certain  affairs,  and 
render  decisions,  everything  he  does  is  subject  to 
the  king's  approval.  Babylon  seems  to  have  been 
the  seat  of  the  supreme  court,  with  Hammurabi 
acting  as  the  chief  justice.  He  even  tried  ordinary 
cases  himself.  In  one  instance  he  rendered  a  de- 
cision favorable  to  a  citizen  against  one  of  his  gov- 
ernors. Money-lenders  he  punished  for  extortion, 
or  for  failing  to  cancel  mortgages  after  they  had 
been  satisfied.  In  order  to  prevent  collusion  on  the 
part  of  witnesses,  in  cases  that  he  tried,  he  ordered 
his  governor  to  send  them  separately  to  Babylon. 
A  very  interesting  letter  shows  how  the  calendar 
was  regulated.  Throughout  their  history  the  Baby- 
lonians observed  the  lunar  months,  the  names  of 
which  the  Jews  substituted  for  their  own  after  the 
captivity.  In  consequence,  it  became  necessary 
about  every  third  year  to  insert  an  intercalary 
month.  This  was  usually  done  in  the  middle,  or 
at  the  end,  of  the  year.     Hammurabi  in  a  letter  to 


152  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

his  governor  Sin-idinnam,  after  he  mentioned 
the  fact  that  the  year  had  a  deficiency,  ordered  that 
the  month  upon  which  they  were  entering  should 
be  called  "  Second  Elul,"  instead  of  Tishri,  the  month 
that  followed  Elul.  But  he  added:  "  Instead  of  the 
tribute  arriving  in  Babylon  on  the  tw^enty-fifth  day 
of  the  month  Tishri,  let  it  arrive  in  Babylon  on  the 
twenty-fifth  day  of  Second  Elul."  In  other  words, 
he  pushed  on  the  calendar,  but  was  unwilling  to 
wait  a  month  for  his  revenues. 

A  king's  piety  seems  to  have  been  determined  by 
what  he  accomplished  in  the  way  of  restoring  and 
embellishing  temples,  building  shrines,  or  making 
endowments  to  the  sanctuary.  One  of  the  ways 
the  people  recognized  these  works,  as  well  as  com- 
memorated other  great  deeds  of  the  king  in  the  way 
of  conquest  or  in  serving  the  people,  was  by  naming 
the  year  of  the  king's  reign  after  the  event.  This 
manner  of  dating  offers  considerable  information 
for  the  reconstruction  of  history.  The  first  year 
usually  mentions  the  beginning  of  the  reign;  viz., 
"The  year  in  which  Hammurabi  became  king." 
Unfortunately  the  chronicles,  or  rather  the  lists  of 
titles  given  to  the  separate  years  which  record  these 
dates  of  the  first  dynasty,  are  fragmentary ;  but  the 
following  selection  from  Hammurabi's  reign  will 
serve  to  illustrate  their  character,  and  what  they 
teach  us.  "The  year  [third]  in  which  the  throne  of 
Nannar  [was  made]."  "The  year  [fourth]  in  which 
the   wall   of   Malga   was   destroyed."      "The   year 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        153 

[ninth]  in  which  the  canal  Hammurabi  [was  dug]." 
"The  year  [twelfth]  in  which  the  throne  of  Sar- 
panitum  [was  made]."  "The  year  [fourteenth] 
in  which  the  wall  of  Sippara  was  built."  "  The  year 
[thirtieth]  in  which  the  army  of  Elam  [was  defeated].'* 
"  The  year  [thirty- first]  in  which  the  land  of  Emutbal 
[was    conquered]."      "The    year    [thirty-second]    in 

which    the    army    of "     "The    year 

[thirty-eighth]  in  which  the  city  Umhash  [was  de- 
stroyed] by  flood."  The  closing  line  of  this  list, 
which  gives  the  years  for  his  reign  reads:  "The 
forty- three  years  of  Hammurabi  the  king." 

All  documents  in  the  early  period  of  Babylonian 
history  are  dated  according  to  these  titles  of  the 
years.  This  system  was  exceedingly  cumbersome 
in  comparison  w4th  the  method  adopted  in  the  later 
centuries  in  Babylonia,  when  the  number  of  the 
years  of  the  reign  of  the  king  was  used.  It  must 
have  been  necessary  for  business  men  as  w^ell  as 
others  who  kept  records  to  have  their  individual 
lists  of  the  names  of  years,  as  it  would  be  difficult 
to  remember  them  for  any  length  of  time.  Further, 
in  some  sections  of  the  land  another  set  of  titles 
was  employed,  commemorating  events  which  were 
of  greater  imiportance  to  the  people  of  that  portion 
of  the  country.  In  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  of  the 
late  period,  as  is  well  known,  a  system  somewhat 
similar  was  used.  Each  year  was  known  by  the 
name  of  an  official.  For  example,  the  first  year, 
the  king's  name  was  used;    the  following,  the  next 


154  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

highest  official;  Hke,  Limmii  Bel-illatua,  i.e.,  "The 
eponym  of  Bel-illatua."  But  in  Babylonia,  during 
the  centuries  which  followed  the  Hammurabi  dy- 
nasty, all  dating  was  according  to  the  year  of  the 
king's  reign. 

In  the  prologue  and  epilogue  of  his  code,  which 
is  discussed  in  the  following  chapter,  Hammurabi 
mentions  numerous  temples  and  shrines  that  he 
enlarged  and  restored  or  adorned;  also  that  he 
enriched  certain  cities;  that  he  brought  prosperity 
to  others  by  giving  them  abundance  of  water;  in 
general,  that  he  was  a  most  benevolent  monarch. 
He  calls  himself  a  "father  of  his  people."  As  a 
lawgiver  and  as  an  administrator  of  laws  he  appears 
in  a  most  favorable  light,  and  seems  to  have  earned 
the  flattering  and  honorific  titles  he  credits  himself 
with,  in  his  code.  His  letters  to  his  governor  justify 
him  in  thus  regarding  himself.  In  short.  Oriental 
despotism,  which  characterized  the  rule  of  so  many 
ancients,  is  not  apparent;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
we  find  a  benevolent  ruler  who,  by  his  energetic 
efforts  in  improving  the  social  and  material  con- 
ditions of  the  people,  must  have  won  their  favor. 

Quite  a  number  of  letters  written  by  private 
individuals  living  in  this  age,  have  also  been  found. 
They  are,  as  a  rule,  more  difficult  to  understand 
than  official  letters,  as  they  presuppose  private 
relations  of  which  we  can  have  no  knowledge.  In 
one,  a  man  who  is  held  in  prison  sent  the  letter  with 
the  jailer  or  gateman  to  the  man  who  imprisoned 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  iVbraham        155 

him,  complaining  of  his  treatment,  He  calls  the 
jail  a  starvation  house.  He  says  he  is  ill,  and  asks 
for  food  and  clothing.  He  pleads  that  he  is  not  a 
robber,  nor  a  burglar,  but  he  is  imprisoned  because 
the  Sidu  fell  upon  him,  and  took  the  oil  which  he, 
his  master,  sent  him  with  across  the  river. 

In  another  letter,  a  son  wrote  to  his  father  that 
he  was  located  at  Dur-Sin,  where  there  was  no  meat 
fit  to  eat.  He  sent  his  father  two-thirds  of  a  shekel 
of  silver,  that  he  might  send  some  nice  fish  and  other 
viands.  A  votary  from  a  royal  family,  who  was  in 
connection  with  some  temple,  wrote  to  her  father, 
reminding  him  of  his  promise  to  send  a  sheep  and 
five  minas  of  silver,  which  he  failed  to  keep. 

The  following  ^  may  be  regarded  as  a  love  letter 
of  Abraham's  time,  although  the  exact  relations 
of  the  correspondents  cannot  be  determined.  Bibea, 
the   one   addressed,    is   a   lady. 

"To  Bibea  say,  thus  saith  Gimil-Marduk :  May 
the  gods  Shamash  and  Marduk  permit  thee  to  live 
forever  for  my  sake.  I  write  to  inquire  concerning 
thy  health.  Tell  me  how  thou  art.  I  went  to  Baby- 
lon, but  did  not  see  thee.  I  was  greatly  disappointed. 
Send  the  reason  for  thy  leaving,  that  I  may  be 
happy.  Do  come  in  the  month  Marchesvan.  Keep 
well  always  for  my  sake." 

There    are    indications    that    a    regular    post,    or 

^  Published  by  Father  Scheil,  Une  Saison  de  foiiiUes  ^ 
Sippar,  p.  131. 


156  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

system  of  despatching  letters  and  packages,  was  in 
existence  at  this  time.  Besides  letters,  other  evi- 
dences of  such  a  post  have  been  found;  notably  a 
large  number  of  lumps  of  clay,  which  are  labels 
or  tags,  belonging  to  this  and  other  periods.  On 
some  the  marks  of  the  cord  which  passed  through 
the  bit  of  clay  are  clearly  visible.  Others  contained 
the  names  of  the  individuals  for  whom  the  parcels 
were  intended,  besides  the  seal  impressions  of  the 
sender.  Several  found  at  Telloh  contain  impressions 
of  the  seal  of  Sargon,  king  of  Agade  (about  3800 
B.  C),  which  belonged  to  parcels  he  sent  to  his  son 
Naram-Sin,  who  was  then  acting  as  viceroy  in  that 
city.  In  all  probability  there  was  a  regular  post 
in  existence  between  the  different  cities  of  Sargon's 
empire. 

The  following  translation  of  a  little  Sumerian 
record  belonging  to  the  latter  half  of  the  third 
millennium  B.  C.  shows  how  messengers  were  pro- 
vided with  the  necessities  of  life  on  their  journeys. 
It  records  what  was  furnished  them  for  their  journey 
between  the  city  in  which  it  was  written  and  In- 
nanna-erin.  The  amounts  were  paid  from  the  treas- 
ury of  the  temple  storehouse.  The  record  is  for  one 
month.  Whether  the  tablet  indicates  the  number 
of  trips  made  each  month,  or  whether  the  carriers 
were  despatched  only  when  something  was  to  be 
delivered,  cannot  be  determined. 

3  qa  of  date  wine  for  Shunagargid,  the  messenger. 
5  qa  of  date  wine  for  Awil-Nannar,  the  courier,  who  came 


01 


Si 


11 

c 
<u 

i) 


Er5 


cn 


N 


-^  X! 

c  a 

c    "" 

O     U 

E  a 

0  n 

S!  § 
a   r 

S  ^: 

o    .- 

r-  "^ 
O     O 

!S  'J 

1  Ji 

•?-2 
to  cfl 

o  c 


o 


cd 

(/] 

M 
cd 


158  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

from  the  city  Innanna-erin.     5  qa  of  date  ^vine  [for  one 
day's  stay]  in  the  City,  and  i  gur  of  wine,  made  from  the 
SA  herb,  for  the  journey  for  Susha-laba,the  courier,who 
goes  to  the  city  Innanna-erin.     10  qa  oi  date  wine  for 
two  days'  [stay  in  the  city]  for  Nabiuni  (?),  the  courier, 
who  comes  from  Innanna-erin.     5  qa  of  date  wine  [for 
one  day's  sta}-]  in  the  city,  and  i  gur  of  wine  from  the 
5.4  herb  for  the  journey  for  Dingir-masu(?),  the  courier, 
who  goes  to  Innanna-erin.      3  qa  of  date  wine  for  Ubar, 
the  messenger,  who  comes  from  Innanna-erin.      20  qa 
of  date  wine  for  four  days'  [stay  in  the  city]  for  Awil-Ea, 
the  courier.      60  qa  of  oil  for  the  herdsman  of  the  City 
Gishgal(?)  [all  of]  which  are  to  be  taken  out  of  the 
temple  [storehouse,  in  the]  month  Ezen-Dumuzi  {i.  e., 
the  Hebrew  month  Tishri). 


Babylonia  being  an  alluvial  plain,  somewhat 
removed  from  stone,  developed  architecturally  al- 
most entirely  with  clay  as  a  building  material. 
As  a  result  the  remains  of  the  builders'  work  are 
largely  in  terra-cotta  or  sun-dried  clay.  Occasion- 
ally some  great  ruler  imported  stone  from  central 
Arabia,  or  the  mountains  along  the  Euphrates  to 
the  northwest,  for  statues,  door-sockets,  vases, 
votive  objects,  etc.,  but  generally  the  antiquities 
discovered,  which  belong  to  the  e very-day  life 
of  the  people,  are  in  clay. 

There  have  been  found,  however,  a  number  of 
stone  statues  of  the  third  millennium  which  are 
remarkable  creations  for  this  stoneless  land.  At 
Telloh,  eight  headless  statues  over  and  under  life 
size  were  found  in  the  central  court  of  Gudea's 
palace.     Several  heads  of  other  statues  were  also 


Heads  of  dolerite  statues  found  at  Telloh. 


160  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

recovered,  broken  off  doubtless  at  the  time  of 
some  invasion.  At  Nippur  were  found  a  torso  and 
a  head,  besides  other  fragments,  belonging  to 
similar  statues.  They  are  made  of  a  hard  igneous 
rock,  dolerite.  Gudea  imported  this  stone  for  his 
statues  from  Magan,  i.e.,  Northeast  Arabia,  which 
borders  on  Babylonia. 

The  anatomy  of  the  figures  is  surprisingly  well 
rendered.  The  cheeks,  chin,  and  mouth  have  been 
carefully  studied.  The  nose  is  somewhat  arched. 
The  eyelids  are  good,  although  too  wide  open. 
The  hair  is  represented  by  lines  arranged  in  herring- 
bone fashion.  The  muscles  of  the  arm  swell  because 
of  the  folded  or  clasped  hands.  The  finger-nails 
are  delicately  carved.  The  drapery  is  in  awkward 
folds  over  the  left  shoulder,  leaving  the  right  arm 
bare.  Two  of  the  statues  found  at  Telloh  represent 
Gudea  (about  3000  B.  C.)  as  an  architect  or  builder. 
In  one  of  these  he  has  a  plan  of  his  palace  resting 
on  his  lap.  It  shows  the  large  gates  and  towers. 
The  scale  according  to  which  the  plan  is  drawn 
accompanies  it.  The  skirt  of  the  statue  is  covered 
with  inscriptions  in  the  Sumerian  language.  There 
is  a  lack  of  animation  in  the  face,  and  a  heaviness 
and  a  squattiness  of  the  form,  which  is  not  at  all 
pleasing,  especially  when  compared  with  the  work 
of  the  Memphite  sculptor  of  a  still  earlier  age;  yet 
the  knowledge  of  anatomy  displayed,  and  the 
minutiae  of  detail  as  worked  out,  besides  taking 
into  consideration  the  skill  of  the  workman  who  cut 


Statue  of  Gudea.    The  building  plan  of  his  palace  rests  on  his  lap.    It  is  accom 
panied  with  the  scale  according  to  which  it  was  drawn. 


II 


162  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

his  statues  out  of  the  hardest  kind  of  stone,  rightly 
deserve  our  admiration.  Allowances  must  be  made 
for  school  conventions,  but  these  statues  offer 
valuable  material  for  the  physiological  study  of  the 
Sumerian  people,  the  early  inhabitants  of  the  valley. 

A  great  many  vases,  of  different  sizes  and  shapes, 
cut  out  of  hard  as  well  as  soft  stone,  have  been 
found  belonging  to  the  third,  the  fourth,  and  the 
fifth  millenniums  before  Christ.  Some  show  on  the 
inside  the  marks  of  the  tools  which  were  used 
in  making  them.  All  such  marks  are  obliterated 
on  the  outside,  as  the  vases  had  been  pohshed.  The 
regularity  of  these  tool  marks  and  the  symmetry 
of  the  vases  clearly  indicate  that  a  lathe  was  em- 
ployed in  their  manufacture.  The  neatness  and 
fineness  of  execution  and  the  beautiful  designs 
make  some  of  them  superior  to  the  products  of  later 
times.  The  same  is  true  of  the  skill  of  the  gem- 
cutter  (see  page  55). 

The  work  of  the  smith  is  represented  by  many 
antiquities  in  silver  and  bronze.  Objects  in  gold,~ 
such  as  the  images  of  gods  which  were  placed  in  the 
temples,  have  not  been  discovered.  In  a  number 
of  instances,  gold  objects  used  as  jewelry  have  been 
found  in  the  cofhns  which  were  excavated.  In 
bronze,  there  have  been  found  votive  images, 
various  utensils,  jewelry,  weapons,  and  tools  of  many 
kinds.  Gudea  informs  us  that  he  imported  copper 
from  Nejd,  and  gold  from  Medina  and  Melukhkha 
in  the  Sinai  tic  peninsula. 


Statues  in  dolerite  from  Telloh,  illustrating  the  female  dress  of  the  third  millen- 
nium before  Christ. 


164  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Of  special  interest  are  the  bronze  canephori 
or  basket-carriers,  which  have  been  found  at  Telloh. 
They  were  usually  dedicated  to  the  gods  for  the 
preservation  of  the  donor's  life.  De  Sarzec  found 
small  cavities  constructed  in  the  platforms  of  build- 
ings in  which  these  and  similar  votive  objects,  used 
doubtless  as  talismans,  had  been  walled  up.  As  in 
Greece,  with  a  single  exception  they  are  female 
figures.  It  is  well  known  that  the  ofhce  of  a  cane- 
phorus  carried  with  it  great  distinction  among  the 
classic  Greeks.  Only  the  daughters  of  the  first 
Athenian  families  were  honored  with  this  excep- 
tional distinction. 

In  one  of  the  images  found  at  Telloh,  the  limbs 
are  not  worked  out,  but  the  lower  part  forms  a  cone. 
On  this  there  is  an  inscription  of  Dungi,  king  of 
Ur,  about  2750  B.  C.  Another  has  a  skirt,  but  it  is 
not  inscribed.  The  third  is  that  of  a  male  figure, 
carrying  a  basket  exactly  as  the  females.  It  bears 
a  votive  inscription  to  the  goddess  Nana  by  Rim-Sin 
(the  biblical  Arioch),  king  of  Larsa.  Several  female 
basket-carriers  have  been  found  which  contain 
votive  inscriptions  of  Kudur-Mabug,  father  of 
Arioch.  The  Berlin  Museum  has  secured  an  ex- 
ceptionally well-preserved  specimen  (see  illustra- 
tion, page  134).  It  is  dedicated  to  the  goddess 
Nana,  "who  is  adorned  with  splendor  and  over- 
flowing with  grace." 

Little  is  known   concerning  the   musical  attain- 
ments of  this  age.    At  Telloh,  belonging  to  an  earlier 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham         165 

time,  a  fragment  of  an  interesting  bas-relief  was 
found  in  the  ruins  of  Gudea's  palace.  It  has  two 
compartments.  In  the  upper,  one  of  the  four  figures 
is   represented    with  a  kind    of   cvmbal,  or   paten, 


Bas-relief  in  stone,  depicting  musicians.    (Tliird  millennium  B.  C.) 


and  an  object  which  was  used  for  striking  it.  An- 
other carries  something  like  a  flute.  In  the  lower 
part  of  the  relief,  there  is  a  seated  figure  playing  a 
harp,  which  has  eleven  strings.    The  foot  of  the  harp 


166  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

is  adorned  with  the  figure  of  a  buU.  Before  the  harper 
stands  a  singer,  or  a  worshiper,  in  a  reverential 
attitude,  perhaps  before  a  deity/ 

In  the  first  dynasty  of  Babylon,  there  was  a  large 
number  of  scribes.  Nearly  all  the  legal  documents 
of  this  period  that  have  been  translated  are  found 
to  have  been  written  by  different  scribes.  A  number 
of  women  are  known  to  have  belonged  to  this  pro- 
fession, as  seems  to  be  the  case  also  in  the  Assyrian 
period.^  There  are  indications  that  lead  us  to 
suppose  that  the  scribe  shaved  his  head  and  beard, 
that  he  wore  his  toga  thrown  over  his  left  shoulder, 
and  kept  his  right  arm  bare. 

The  scribe  wTote  the  legal  documents,  and  doubt- 
less most  of  the  letters  of  private  individuals.  In 
w^riting  a  contract,  the  entire  document  was  his 
work,  even  to  the  making  of  the  seal  impressions 
upon  the  tablet,  in  proximity  to  which  he  wrote  the 
name  of  the  owner.  The  individual,  therefore, 
whose  seal  was  used  handed  it  to  the  scribe  for 
him  to  make  the  impression.  This  is  clearly  shown 
by  the  regularity  with  which  they  were  made,  and 
their  position  on  the  tablet. 

'  For  the  later  Assyrian  period  of  the  first  millennium  B.  C, 
considerable    is    known    of    musicians    and    their    instruments. 

■^  The  Rev.  C.  H.  W.  Johns  of  Cambridge,  England,  in 
his  valuable  treatise,  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Laws,  Con- 
tracts, and  Letters,  p.  151.  calls  attention  to  an  Assyrian 
document  which  mentions  six  female  a6a,  which  word  he  trans- 
lates "scribe"  or  "secretary."  In  the  Neo-Babylonian  period, 
women  scribes  are  not  mentioned. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        167 

The  writing  materials  in  all  ages  of  Babylonian 
and  Assyrian  history  were  clay,  stone,  and  metal. 
If  papyrus  was  ever  used,  no  trace  of  it  has  been 
preserved.  The  number  of  noteworthy  objects 
which  have  been  found  in  metal  is  comparatively 
small,  as,  for  example,  the  canephorus  in  bronze, 
described  on  page  1 64,  or  the  silver  vase  of  Entemena 
(see  page  52)  found  by  De  Sarzec  at  Telloh.  In- 
scribed objects  which  were  dedicated  to  the  gods, 
such  as  vases,  slabs,  etc.,  were  usually  in  stone. 
This  and  other  materials  w^ere  employed  for  seal- 
cylinders,   door-sockets,  boundary-stones,   etc. 

In  all  ages,  so  far  as  is  known,  clay  was  the  stand- 
ard writing  material  for  literary,  historical,  legal, 
and  personal  matters.  A  clay  was  used  which  was 
free  from  grit,  or  which  was  washed  well,  in  order  to 
clear  it  of  as  much  of  the  sand  as  possible.  The 
scribes  apparently  selected  a  clay  containing  con- 
siderable marl  or  chalk. ^  They  doubtless  had 
observed  that  clay  with  a  good  percentage  of  chalk 
does  not  shrink  much  and  crack  upon  drying  out. 
This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  chalk  is  not  hydrous, 
and  will  not  take  up  water.  After  the  clay  had  been 
washed  and  thoroughly  kneaded,  it  had  remarkable 
adhesive  power;  so  that  tablets  which  were  simply 
sun-dried,  although  buried  in  the  damp  earth  for 
chiliads,    have    remained    intact.       Naturally,    the 


^  See    the    writer's,    Business    Documents   of   Murashu    Sons, 
B.  E.  Vol.  X,  p.  I. 


168  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

greatest  care  must  be  observed  when  unbaked  tablets 
are  excavated,  for  they  fall  to  pieces  if  roughly 
handled.  After  they  are  thoroughly  dried  out, 
the  old  adhesiveness  is  again  restored.  Some  sun- 
dried  clay  tablets  are  so  hard  that  even  experts  are 
at  times  misled  into  regarding  them  as  kiln-dried. 

The  clay  in  a  plastic  condition  is  shaped  into  the 
size  desired.  As  the  style  of  paper  in  the  present  age 
is  in  a  measure  an  indication  of  the  general  character 
of  the  document,  so  the  size  and  shape  of  the  in- 
scribed clay  tablet  is  indicative,  in  a  general  way, 
of  the  contents.  Historical  literature  of  the  Assyrian 
period,  as  well  as  inscriptions  which  record  the 
erection  or  restoration  of  buildings,  is  found  as  a 
rule  on  cylinders  of  various  sizes  and  shapes.  Some 
are  quadrangular,  pentagonal,  hexagonal,  etc.  Some 
are  cone-shaped,  or  are  in  the  form  of  a  bombshell. 
Literary  writings  of  the  Assyrian  people  were  gener- 
ally inscribed  on  good-sized  tablets.  Legal  docu- 
ments, although  differing  in  form  in  the  various 
periods,  are  also  readily  recognized  by  their  shape. 
In  the  Hammurabi  and  Cassite  dynasties,  the  scribe 
usually  held  the  tablet  so  that  the  lines  passed  across 
the  narrow  part,  w^hile  in  the  Neo- Babylonian  they 
ran  across  the  tablet  lengthwise.  Letters  are  usually 
written  across  the  narrow  side.  Inscribed  votive 
cones,  plans  of  cities,  and  estates,  and  topographical 
maps,  are  also  found  in  clay,  and  have  been  found  in 
various  sizes  and  shapes. 

The  stylus  used  by  the  scribe  was  a  very  simple 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham 


169 


affair  Any  stick  of  metal  or  hard  wood  which  had  a 
square  corner  could  be  used.  By  holding  it  beneath 
the  palm  of  the  hand  between  the  thumb  and  the 
index  finger,  and  by  pressing  the  angular  corner 
into  the  soft  clay,  the  impression  will  be  that  ot  a 
wedge.     Using  the   Latin  word   cnncns  for  wedge, 


Square  end  stylus. 


Beveled  end  stylus. 

the  writing  has  been  called  the  cuneiform^  AU 
characters  are  made  up  of  smgle  «-edges  at  Merent 
angles,  and  the  u'mkdlmken  ("angular  hook  ), 
which  is  made  by  laying  the  stylus  over  on  its  side 
with  the  handle  towards  the  right,  using  the  angle  x. 
When  the  square  end  stylus  is  used  the  writing  ap- 
pears  thus : 


n^/i  < 


From  the  time  of  the  first  dynasty,  a  very  marked 
pecuUarity  of  many  of  the  styli  was  that  the  top 
was  made  to  slope  to  one  side  (see  illustration). 
In  consequence,  the  top  of  the  perpendicular  wedge 


170  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

was  higher  on  the  left  side  than  on  the  right,  and  the 
angle  of  the  winkelhaken  was  less  than  a  right  angle, 
thus :  "y  <^  when  the  beveled  end  stylus  was  used. 


An  origiiial  tablet. 


Written  with  beveled  end  stylus. 

The  latter  varies  according  to  the  slope  of  the  top 
o!"  the  stylus.  The  greater  it  is,  the  smaller  is  the 
angle  of  the  "  hook."  '  This  slope  was  made  to  vary 
according  to  the  desire  of  the  scribe,  which  enabled 

'  On  this  subject,  see  further  remarks  by  the  writer  in  Docu- 
ments from  the  Temple  Archives,  B.  E.  Vol.  XIV,  p.  i()i. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        171 

him,  in  this  way,  to  emphasize  the  individuaUty 
of  his  writing. 

The  stylus  in  Assyrian  was  called  qanu  ("reed"), 
or  qan-duppi  ("tablet  reed"  or  "stylus").  This 
would  imply  that  the  scribes  usually  used  reed- 
wood  to  make  their  styli.  Attention  has  been 
called^  to  impressions  on  some  tablets  which  show 
the  roundness  of  the  reed  out  of  which  the  stylus 
was  made.  The  wood  of  reeds,  which  grow  in 
abundance  in  marshy  places,  is  quite  hard,  and  does 
not  readily  absorb  water;  in  consequence,  it  is 
quite  suitable  to  write  upon  the  soft  clay. 

Judging  from  the  thousands  of  seals,  signets, 
and  seal-cylinders  which  have  been  found,  and  the 
thousands  of  tablets  which  contain  seal  impressions, 
the  information  given  us  by  the  classical  writers  that 
practically  every  man  of  any  standing  in  a  com- 
munity had  his  seal,  is  intelligible.  They  w^ere 
usually  cut  out  of  hard  stone,  such  as  lapis-lazuli, 
carnelian,  green  jasper,  agate,  onyx,  crystal,  slate, 
shell,  etc.  Some  are  in  metal,  and  judging  from  the 
exquisitely  fine  work,  as  indicated  on  some  tablets, 
especially  in  the  Cassite  period  when  a  characteristic 
feature  was  a  decorative  border  at  the  top  and 
bottom  of  the  seals  (see  illustrations  page  173),  it 
is  thought  -  that  some  had  been  capped  with  gold. 

'  See    Dr.     Messerschmidt's    interesting    article    in    Oriental- 
istische  Litteratiirzeitung,  Vol.  9,  No.   5. 

2  See  Dr.  W.  H.  Ward's  remark  in  my  Documents  from  the 
Temple  Archives  of  Nippur,  p.  15. 


s 

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Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham         173 

The  cyhnders  usuaUy  have  a  hole  passing  through 
them,  presumably  for  the  purpose  of  inserting  some 
kind  of  an  instrument  that  enabled  them  to  roll 
the  cylinder  over  the  clay,  or  to  insert  a  string  in 
order  to  attach  them  to  their  person.     Seal  rings  and 


Case  tablets  of  the  Cassite  Period,  containing  seal  impressions. 

signets  were  used,  especially  in  the  Neo-Baby Ionian 
and  Persian  periods.  In  a  number  of  instances  the 
impressions  of  both  a  cyhnder  and  a  signet  of  an 
individual  are  found  upon  documents. 

The  use  of  the  seal  did  not  differ  from  its  ordinary 


174  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


The  earliest  known  form  of  the  centaur, 
reproduced  from  seal  impressions  on  a  tablet, 
time  of  the  Cassites. 


usage  in  modern  times.     It  was  equivalent  to  the 
individual's    signature.      The   entire    document,    as 

mentioned     (page 
1 66),    was     written 
by  the   scribe;    but 
the  use  of  the  seal 
made  it  binding  by 
the  contracting  par- 
ties.    Usually    only 
the  obligor  or  debtor 
or  the  one  who  gave 
the  document   as  a 
receipt  left  his  seal 
impression;    in  some  cases  there  are  found  the  seal 
impressions  of  the  witnesses  and  the  judge  before 
whom  the  business  was  transacted.    On  not  a  single 
document   of   the   sons   of   Murashu   does   the   seal 
impression  of  the  individual  appear  in  whose  interest 
the    tablet   was   made,    or   who   was    the    creditor. 
He  held  the  tablet  as  a  receipt,  or  as  a  record  of  the 
debtor's  obligations.     In  the  Cassite  archives,  the 
man  who  delivered  at  the  residence  of  the  officers 
their  salary,  which  was  paid  in  kind,  left  his  seal 
impression  upon  the  records  of  that  payment.    This 
was  held  by  the  bursar  of  the  Temple  storehouse. 
In  most  periods,   notably  later  than  the   Ham- 
murabi dynasty,  the  individual  who  did  not  possess 
a    seal  made   thumb-nail   marks  in   the    soft   clay, 
alongside  of  which  the  scribe  usually  wrote  supursJm, 
"his  thumb-nail  mark,"  or  added  his  name,    supur 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        175 

Bel-crba,  "thumb  nail  of  Bel-erba."  In  some  cases 
the  words  kima  kimnkkishu,  "instead  of  his  seal," 
were  added.  These  were  regarded  as  equivalent 
to  his  seal.  In  the  tablets  of  the  Cassite  period,  I 
found  another  substitute  for  the  seal,  which  the 
ancients  cdXXed  sisiktii}  The  word  means  "cloth." 
A  tablet  in  the  Berlin  Museum,  which  was  also 
recently  published,  clearly  shows  cloth  marks "  near 
the  marks  of  the  sisiktu.  A  tablet  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania  collection,  which  is  roughly  made, 


Thumb-nail  marks  instead  of  seal  impression,  Achaemeiiian  Period. 

may  have  cloth  marks ;  but  on  the  four  tablets  of 
the  latter  collection  on  which  the  marks  of  the 
sisiktu  were  made,  there  is  a  clearly-defined  little 
hole.  This  shows  that  the  sisiktu,  which  perhaps 
referred  to  some  part  of  the  garment,  had  in  connec- 
tion with  it  that  which  could  be  used  to  make  this 
little  hole.  In  a  building  inscription  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar the  king  is  referred  to  as  standing  before 

'  See    Documents   from    the     Temple    Archives    of     Nippur, 
B.  E.  Vol.  XIV,  p.  13. 

^  Ungnad,  Orientalistische  Litteraturzeitung,  Vol.  IX,  No.  3. 


176  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  image  of  his  god,  whose  sisiktu  he  takes  hold  of. 
It  is  thought  that  this  refers  to  his  garment.  Per- 
haps it  was  his  girdle,  to  which  something  was 
appended.  On  one  of  the  Cassite  records  from  the 
temple   storehouse,   an  individual  left   his   thumb- 


Tablets  showing  holes  made  by  the  sisiklu. 


nail  marks  as  well  as  that  of  the  sisiktu,  w^hich  were 
used  instead  of  his  seal. 

Letters,  contracts,  and  certain  kinds  of  records 
were  frequently  encased;  that  is,  the  tablet  was 
wrapped  in  a  thin  layer  of  clay,  which  formed  an 
envelope.  In  connection  with  the  study  of  the 
administrative  temple  records  of  the  Cassite  dynasty, 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham         177 

the  writer  made  some  experiments  which  enabled 
him  to  arrive  at  the  following  conclusions:  It  was 
not  necessary  to  allow  the  tablet  to  dry  out  before  it 
w^as  enveloped,  in  order  to  prevent  the  case  from 
clinging  to  it ;  and  the  statement  that  the  tablet  was 
powdered  with  clay  to  prevent  the  case  from  per- 
manently sticking  to  it  can  not  be  based  upon 
experiments  made  in  encasing  tablets,  for  it  would 
have  been  found  that  material  thus  used  tends  to 


f*^  ,jr^ 


Tablet  and  envelope.    The  inscription  oi  the  tablet  is  repeated  on  the  envelope. 

close  up  the  impressions  of  the  stylus.  Immediately 
after  the  document  was  written,  or  perhaps  after 
the  clay  had  set  somewhat,  so  that  it  could  not  lose 
its  shape  when  being  encased,  the  thin  layer  was 
folded  about  it.  By  dipping  it  into  water,  the  scribe 
could  readily  remove  all  traces  of  cracks  with  his 
fingers.  Occasionally  the  case  clings  here  and  there 
to  the  tablet,  but  as  a  rule  it  can  be  peeled  off 
without  much  difficulty.  If  it  w^ere  a  letter,  the 
name  of  the  individual  for  w^hom  it  was  intended 


12 


178  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

was  written  upon  the  envelope,  the  sender  at  the 
same  time  making  impressions  of  his  seal  upon  it. 
If  it  were  a  contract  or  record,  the  entire  contents, 
as  a  rule,  w^ere  repeated  on  the  outside.  Occasionally 
the  tablet  proper  does  not  contain  the  name  of 
witnesses,  or  the  name  of  the  king,  in  whose  reign  the 
tablet  is  dated.  These  were  written  on  the  envelope. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  it  is  a  record  of  a  debt,  the 
envelope  may  not  contain  the  statement  that  the 
obligor  received  what  is  mentioned  on  it.  The  full 
statement  was  written  upon  the  tablet  proper.  The 
seal  impressions  which  are  found  on  the  case  made 
it  clear  that  the  man  whose  name  was  written 
in   connection   with   his   seal   was   the   debtor. 

The  reason  why  tablets  were  encased  was  prac- 
tically the  same  that  we  have  for  using  envelopes. 
Primarily  it  was  for  prudential  purposes.  It  was  an 
easy  matter  to  change  amounts  recorded  on  clay 
tablets,  even  if  the  documents  were  baked.  By 
cutting  a  perpendicular  wedge  before  the  sign 
which  equals  lo  (the  winkelhaken,  pages  169,  170), 
the  amount  would  be  70.'  But  if  the  tablet 
was  encased  and  the  impression  of  the  obligor's 
seal  was  made  on  the  envelope,  it  would  be  impossible 
for  the  creditor,  who  held  the  tablet,  to  alter  the 
amount  unless  he  peeled  off  the  envelope, — in  which 

^  The  Babylonians  used  the  sexigesimal  system  of  numbers. 
The  perpendicular  wedge  equals  one  and  also  sixty.  Placing 
the  perpendicular  wedge  after  the  winkelhaken,  i.  e.,  10)^11, 
but  by  putting  it  before  it^^^yo. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        179 

case  he  could  not  replace  it,  inasmuch  as  it  contained 
the  seal  impressions  of  the  debtor. 

The  envelopes  of  contracts,  as  stated  above,  were 
usually  inscribed,  with  some  variations,  the  same  as 
the  tablet  itself.  This  made  it  possible  to  consult 
the  terms  of  the  document  without  disturbing  the 
tablet  proper.  If  a  charge  that  alterations  of  the 
inscription  on  the  case  were  made,  it  was,  of 
course,  an  easy  matter  to  have  the  tablet  proper 
examined,  if  need  be,  in  the  presence  of  the  judge, 
when  the  terms  of  the  contract  could  be  verified. 
In  short,  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  a  better 
sealed  contract  than  a  clay  tablet  with  an  envelope, 
which  contains  the  seal  impressions  of  the  witnesses, 
scribe,  and  contracting  parties. 

In  the  Temple  Archives  of  the  Cassite  period,  a 
familiar  phrase  is,  "  the  debt  he  shall  pay,  whereupon 
the  seal  he  shall  break."  In  other  words,  after 
the  obligation  had  been  met,  the  case  containing 
the  man's  seal  was  broken  off;  but  the  inside  tablet 
was  preserved  in  the  archives  as  a  record  of  the 
transactions.^ 

Letters  were  frequently  encased,  especially  in  the 
Hammurabi  period.  On  the  envelope,  the  name  of 
the  individual  for  whom  the  letter  was  intended  was 
written,  e.  g.,  Ana    Warad-Bel,   "To    Warad-Bel." 


'  For  a  further  discussion  on  Case  Tablets  by  the  writer, 
see  Documents  from  the  Temple  Archives  of  Nippur.  B.  E. 
Vol.   XIV,   p.   loflf. 


180  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

The  sender  then  made  seal  impressions  on  all  sides 
of  the  epistle. 

Some  tablets  are  ruled.  This  could  have  been 
done  in  most  cases  by  means  of  a  cord,  as  has  been 
suggested,  but  in  the  lists  and  contracts  of  certain 
periods  the  edge  of  the  stylus  was  doubtless  used 
to  make  these  lines.  They  were  easily  produced 
by  laying  the  stylus  flatly  upon  the  clay  surface, 
using  the  edge  or  corner  of  the  stylus  to  make  the 
lines.  In  the  early  periods,  the  circle  (see  page  86) 
had  the  value  one  and  the  semi-elliptical  impression, 
ten.  In  making  the  numerals,  the  scribe  very  likely 
used  the  upper  end  of  the  stylus,  which  was  round. 
The  circle  was  made  by  pressing  the  stylus  per- 
pendicularly into  the  soft  clay.  In  making  the  semi- 
elliptical  impression  the  stylus  was  made  to  lean, 
as   was   done   in   writing   the   ordinary   characters. 

Some  tablets  are  less  concave  on  the  reverse,  and 
comparatively  flat  on  the  obverse.  This  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  tablets  are  thicker  in  the  center 
than  at  the  edge.  In  writing  the  tablet,  the  scribe 
frequently  laid  it  upon  a  table  or  stand.  In  writing 
the  obverse,  the  tablet  would  settle,  and  the  reverse 
would  become  flattened  out.  When  the  other  side 
was  written,  the  obverse  would  become  more  or 
less  flat,  in  which  condition  it  remained.  Temple 
records,  historical  cylinders,  and  important  in- 
scriptions of  a  mythological  or  religious  character 
were,  as  a  rule,  baked.  Contracts  and  documents 
of  certain  periods  were  also  baked.     Of  the  tablets 


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182  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

found  at  Nippur,  however,  the  unbaked  outnumber 
the  baked  ten  to  one.  This  is  an  indication  that  most 
of  the  tablets  did  not  see  the  kiln. 

The  fact  that  scribes  were  so  numerous  implies 
that  there  were  schools  in  which  they  had  been 
trained.  In  1892  an  expedition,  which  had  been 
sent  out  by  the  Turkish  government  to  excavate  at 
Sippara,  located  within  the  temple  precincts  a 
building  in  which  were  found  many  tablets  contain- 
ing material  that  had  formed  the  equipment  of  such 
a  school.  Among  them  are  syllabaries  or  sign 
dictionaries,  grammatical  exercises,  lists  of  names 
and  the  elements  contained  in  them,  mathematical 
tablets,  such  as  lists  of  fractions,  measures,  weights, 
etc.  In  other  words,  the  excavator  found  the  re- 
mains of  a  school  which  was  in  direct  connection 
with  the  famous  temple  of  the  Sun-god.  Father 
Scheil  has  published  a  selection  of  these  tablets 
in  his  Une  Saison  de  Fouilles  a  Sippar  (1903), 
in  which  volume  also  he  gives  a  plan  of  the  school 
and  a  full  account  of  its  arrangement  and  the 
pedagogical    methods    employed. 

Similar  material  has  been  discovered  at  other 
sites,  notably  at  Nippur,  where  exercises  of  students 
and  practise  tablets  have  been  found  in  considerable 
numbers.  The  accompanying  plan,^  which  was 
made  by  Mr.  C.  S.  Fisher,  one  of  the  architects  of 
the  last  expedition  sent  out  by  the  University  of 

^  See  Fisher,  Excavations  at  Nippur,  Part  I. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham         183 

Pennsylvania,  shows  the  remaining  walls  of  buildings 
in  a  mound  known  as  Tablet  Hill.  It  lies  south  of 
Temple  Hill.  In  the  eastern  and  western  sections 
of  this  great  mound,  far  removed  from  each  other. 


TABLET    HILL    (WSgnion.) 


W^ 


%- 


I — . — -— J  ./      .^.B'. •-•>\%  i,-;.*'-;. 


TABLET    HILL    (E  Seciion.) 


'M^^^^IV  T^ 


Plan  of  buildings  in  Tablet  Hill. 


series  of  rooms  or  buildings  were  uncovered  at  a 
depth  of  from  twenty  to  twenty-four  feet  below  the 
surface.  They  are  of  special  interest  in  this  connec- 
tion, as  the  antiquities  found  in  them  seem  to  indi- 


184  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

cate  that  the  buildings  belong  to  the  Hammurabi 
period.  In  three  of  the  rooms  in  the  eastern  section, 
and  in  two  of  the  rooms  of  the  western,  large  quanti- 
ties of  tablets  and  fragments  of  tablets  were  found. 
It  yet  remains  to  be  determined  whether  the  build- 
ings or  rooms  of  the  one  section  have  anything  to  do 
with  the  other.  Haynes  cut  a  trench  between  the 
two  sections,  but  could  not  establish  any  connection 
between  them.  Unfortunately  for  the  solution  of 
this  question,  records  of  the  provenience  of  most  of 
the  inscribed  material  were  not  kept.  Also  exactly 
what  relation,  if  any,  these  tablets  and  the  rooms 
in  which  they  were  found  have  to  the  temple  proper, 
remains  to  be  determined.  Another  problem  in- 
volved is  the  relationship  which  the  two  or  three 
rooms  of  the  one  section  and  the  three  of  the  other, 
in  which  tablets  were  found,  bear  to  the  entire  com- 
plex of  more  than  sixty  rooms  and  buildings  which 
were  uncovered.  But  with  the  knowledge  we  possess 
that  the  temple  was  the  all-important  institution  of 
the  city,  and  that  in  all  probability  all  city  ofhces 
came  under  its  control,  it  is  plausible  to  assume  that 
these  buildings,  although  at  some  distance  from  the 
sacred  precinct,  stood  in  close  connection  with  that 
institution.  Moreover,  from  the  character  of  the 
tablets  discovered  it  would  seem  that  Haynes  had 
found  the  remains  of  an  equipment  which  had 
belonged  to  a  school,  in  many  respects  similar  to 
that  found  by  Scheil  at  Sippara.  Of  special  interest 
are  a  number  of  large  cones,  from  six  to  ten  inches 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        185 

high,  quadrangular,  pentagonal,  and  hexagonal  in 
shape.     Some  of  these  have  a  hole  running  length- 


Reference  cylinders  from  the  Temple  School  of  Nippur. 

wise  through  them,  in  all  probabihty  for  the  purpose 

of  mounting  them  on  revolving  stands  for  reference. 

These  generally  seem  to  contain  lexicographical 


186  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

material.  In  fact,  great  quantities  of  fragments 
of  tablets  of  the  same  character  were  found  in 
these  rooms,  which  give  us  a  right  to  conjecture 
that  they  belong  to  the  Library  of  the  Temple 
School.  Considering  the  importance  of  the  Bel 
temple,  we  have  reason  to  suppose  that  the  col- 
lections in  connection  with  that  institution  included 
practically  all  the  Babylonian  works  in  law,  science, 
and  literature.  The  latter  was  largely  religious,  and 
doubtless  was  made  to  conform  to  the  Bel  cult. 

In  an  upper  stratum  of  this  same  mound  in  which 
the  buildings  above  described  were  uncovered,  al- 
though not  necessarily  at  the  same  spot,  many 
important  tablets  besides  much  lexicographical 
material,  not  contracts,  were  found  during  the  exca- 
vations conducted  by  Doctor  Peters  in  the  first  and 
second  years.  As  it  has  been  suggested,^  it  is  not 
improbable  that  at  the  time  of  some  great  invasion 
the  more  ancient  building  or  buildings  were  thrown 
into  ruins;  that  they  were  later  partially  restored; 
and  that  the  tablets  found  in  the  upper  stratum  of 
this  mound  belonged  perhaps  to  the  same  building, 
but  of  a  later  period.  The  exact  character  of  these, 
as  well  as  their  relation  to  the  finds  belonging  to 
the  earlier  age,  above  described,  if  any,  can  only 
be  determined  after  they  have  been  translated. 
Suffice  it  to  say,  that  the  general  appearance 
holds  out  the  hope  of  their  containing  important 

^  Hilprecht,   Explorations  in   Bible  Lands,   p.    516. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        187 

material.  Yes,  it  is  not  impossible  that  among  these 
tablets  and  fragments  will  be  found,  when  translated, 
copies  of  some  of  the  literary  productions  that 
belonged  to  the  ancient  Bel  cult,  which  for  millen- 
niums had  formed  the  ritual  texts  of  the  temple. 
From  our  knowledge  of  the  Babylonian  religion, 
gathered  from  the  hundreds  of  texts  which  have 
been  published  by  Scheil,  Zimmern,  King,  Reisner, 
Boissier,  Craig,  and  others,  it  is  reasonably  certain 
that  each  religious  center  had  its  collection  of  texts, 
such  as  hymns,  incantations,  omens,  and  ritual 
texts  in  general,  which  were  used  in  connection 
with  the  cult,  as  well  as  all  that  the  Babylonians 
knew  about  law  and  science.  Further,  it  is  reason- 
able also  to  assume  that  such  texts  formed  part  of 
the  equipment  used  for  instruction  in  their  schools. 
All  kinds  of  pupil  exercises  have  been  found,  from 
tablets  containing  a  repetition  of  single  wedges, 
to  exercises  in  multiplication  and  grammar,  and  in 
the  copying  of  various  kinds  of  lists.  Some  contain 
the  repetition  over  and  over  of  the  same  character. 
Others  contain  lists  of  various  kinds,  doubtless 
copies  from  sample  tablets,  or  which  were  written 
after  dictation.  In  many  instances  it  is  as  easy 
to  recognize  these  tablets  as  it  would  be  to  determine 
at  the  present  time  what  a  paper  meant  which  con- 
tained the  exercises  of  a  schoolboy.  It  would  seem 
from  the  quantities  of  this  material,  a  great  deal  of 
which  is  clumsily  made,  that  in  some  instances 
the  excavators  had  struck  the  waste-heaps  of  the 


188  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

school,  or,  as  we  might  say,  their  waste-paper  bas- 
kets. As  a  rule,  exercise  tablets  of  this  character 
were  probably  broken  up,  and  the  material  used 
again  and  again. 

At  Nippur  and  elsewhere  have  been  found  a  great 
many  tablets  about  three  inches  in  diameter,  in- 
scribed on  one  side  only,  which  is  nearly  flat,  while 
the  other  side  is  rounded.  They  usually  contain 
four  lines  of  inscriptions  written  between  five  ruled 
lines.  The  second  line  and  the  fourth,  as  a  rule, 
contain  repetitions  of  the  first  and  the  second. 
Some  are  carefully  written  as  if  a  teacher  had  made 
them,  to  be  copied  by  the  scholar,  while  others 
are  not  so  carefully  made,  indicating  probably  that 
they  are  exercise  tablets. 

Besides  these  are  found  numerous  tablets  con- 
taining multiplication  tables,  many  of  which  seem 
to  have  been  carefully  made  by  scribes,  and  doubtless 
were  used  as  texts  for  study ;  while  others  may  have 
been  used  for  reference  in  business  transactions. 
This  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  they  have 
been  found  at  different  parts  of  the  city  by  the 
different  expeditions  sent  out  to  Nippur.  Some 
of  these  tablets  contain  the  multiple  of  numbers  as 
high  as  1350.'  The  accompanying  illustration  is 
an  18  X  I  table.  It  was  found  on  one  of  the  earlier 
expeditions  to  Nippur.  It  reads :  18  a-dn  1  18  (i.  e., 
18  X  I  =  18) ;  a  =du  2     36,  (i.  £?.,  x  2  =  36),  etc.,  until 

^  See  Hilprecht,  Explorations    in    Bible   Lands,  p.  531. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        189 

in  the  twentieth  Hne:  a-du  20  360,  (i.  e.,  x  20  = 
360).  This  is  followed  by:  x  30  =  540;  x  40  —  720; 
X  50  =  1080.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  result  of 
the  last  calculation  is  a  mistake.  It  is  that  of 
18  X  60  instead  of  18  x  50.  The  text-book,  or 
reference-table  is  therefore  faulty.' 


^^"^^^"^"T^^^l^^ 


^l^f^^^^^^-..^^ 


■|t-f=r>*-^ 


OBVERSE  REVERSE 

Multiplication  Table.    i8  x  i  =  i8,  etc. 

It  is  quite  natural  to  suppose  also  that  scribes 
possessed  such  productions  as  hymns,  incantations, 
e^nd  other  kinds  of   literature    in  their  own  collec- 

'  From  Professor  Hilprecht  I  learn  that  in  his  forthcoming 
work,  Mathematical,  Metrological  and  Chronological  Tablets 
from  the  Temple  Library,  he  will  show  that  the  Babylonians 
knew  the  binomial  theorem,  how  to  extract  cube  roots,  and 
important  equations  in  higher  mathematics. 


190  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

tions.  Syllabaries,  or  lists  of  signs  with  their 
values,  because  of  the  great  number  in  use,  must 
also  have  been  in  the  possession  of  most  scribes 
for  reference.  In  our  day  there  have  been  collected, 
by  one  scholar,'  over  twelve  thousand  different 
values  for  the  known  cuneiform  signs  and  combi- 
nations of  signs  which  had  been  used  by  the 
Babylonians  and  Sumerians;  and  another  list,^ 
which  is  now  being  compiled  from  syllabaries  and 
other  sources,  which  have  been  brought  to  light 
since  the  first  w^as  made,  will  contain  about  ten 
thousand.  These  facts  make  it  reasonable  to  sup- 
pose that  scribes  had  their  own  lists  for  reference, 
especially  as  wTiting  material  cost  them  nothing. 
Further,  it  is  reasonable  to  expect  to  find  wherever 
scribes  lived  practically  all  the  kinds  of  literature, 
except  official  documents,  which  are  found  in  temple 
or  school  libraries. 

Pottery  objects  of  various  shapes  and  sizes  have 
been  found  belonging  to  this  and  other  periods. 
For  the  burning  of  pottery,  small  tripods  or  stilts 
were  used,  in  order  to  prevent  the  objects  from 
touching  anything.  Especially  the  glazed  pottery 
shows  the  marks  of  these  stilts,  the  same  as  all 
glazed  ware  of  the  present  time.  In  the  potteries 
of  to-day,  devices  exactly  similar  are  used. 

The  excavations  along  the  inner  side  of  the  city 
wall  at  Nippur  revealed  a  great  many  rooms  and 

'   Briinnow,  Classified  List  of  Cuneiform  Signs. 
^  Meissner,  Seltene  Assyrischc  Idcogramtne. 


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192  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

booths  which  were  used  by  merchants  hving  in  the 
third  pre-Christian  millennium.  A  large  baking- 
furnace  of  this  period  was  found,  built  against  a 
w^all  which  had  been  constructed  by  Ur-Engur,  2700 
B.  C.^  It  was  likely  used  for  the  purpose  of  burning 
pottery.     The  top  of  it  was  about  thirteen  feet  by 


Babylonian   Furnace  of  the  time  of  Abraham. 

seven.  Its  height  was  nearly  four  feet.  It  consisted 
of  a  series  of  elliptical  arches,  beneath  one  end  of 
which  the  fire  was  kindled.  The  flames  and  smoke 
ascended  between  these  arches,  which  were  separated 

*  See  Hilprecht,  Exploration  in   Bible   Lands,   p.   489  f.,    and 
Fisher,  Excavations  at  Nippur,  Part  I,  PI.  3. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        193 

by  spaces.  Tiles  were  placed  upon  the  top  of  the 
vertical  flues  thus  formed.  They  served  the  purpose 
of  covering  the  chambers,  thus  forcing  the  smoke 
and  flames  to  the  rear  of  the  furnace,  where  the  flue 
was  located.  At  the  same  time,  these  tiles  formed 
the  top  of  the  stove.  At  the  back  of  the  oven,  a 
flue  was  constructed  the  entire  length  of  the  stove, 
whence  the  smoke  escaped.  Stoves  similar  in  type 
are  used  at  the  present  time  in  the  cities  of  that 
district.  One  writer  is  of  the  opinion  that  a  room 
was  built  around  the  oven  in  which  the  pottery 
was  arranged ;  while  another  thinks  that  the  pottery 
was  placed  beneath  the  arches,  as  is  done  in  modern 
kilns,  not  unlike  this  archaic  furnace  of  Abraham's 
time. 

Small  terra-cotta  statues  of  the  gods  have  been 
found  in  large  numbers,  belonging  to  all  periods  of 
Babylonian  history.  At  Nippur,  these  frequently 
represent  Bel  and  his  consort  Beltis.  Molds  used 
in  their  manufacture  have  also  been  found,  showing 
that  they  were  extensively  used  by  the  people. 
These  images  served  evidently  the  same  purpose 
as  the  teraphim,  familar  to  Old  Testament  students, 
which  seem  to  have  been  household  gods,  or  talis- 
mans. They  were  used  by  the  people,  doubtless, 
in  a  manner  similar  to  the  Penates  of  the  Romans. 

A  great  many  small  clay  objects,  made  in  a 
naive  manner,  representing  horses,  goats,  sheep, 
elephants,  and  other  animals,  have  been  found. 
Frequently  the  horses  have  riders.    These  evidently 

13 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        195 

were  children's  toys.  At  Nippur,  no  less  than  four 
baby  rattles  have  been  found.  They  are  shaped  like 
a  chicken,  doll,  drum,  and  a  head.  There  is  a  little 
stone  in  the  hollow  body  of  each,  in  order  to  make 
a  noise  when  the  object  is  shaken.  The  exact  age 
of  these,  however,  cannot  be  determined. 


Terra-cotta  baby  rattles  from  Nippur. 

The  patriarch's  home  was  in  Ur,  where  he  is 
supposed  to  have  spent  his  early  days.  In  former 
years  Urfa,  not  far  from  Harran,  was  identified  as 
the  ancestral  city  of  the  patriarch,  but  it  is  now 
fifty  years  since  Rawlinson  identified  the  mounds 


196  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

known  as  Mugayyar,  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
valley,  as  the  home  of  Abraham.  Ur  is  a  very  an- 
cient city.  Lugal-zaggisi,  Lugal-kigubnidudu,  and  his 
son  Lugal-kisalsi  (about  4000  B.  C),  known  from 
Nippur  inscriptions,  call  themselves  kings  of  Ur. 
How  much  earlier  the  history  of  Ur  will  in  time  be 
known,  remains  to  be  seen.  Following  this  period, 
many  of  the  kings  of  Babylonia  call  themselves  kings 
of  Ur;  in  fact,  two  dynasties  of  Ur  are  recognized. 

The  city  is  situated  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Euphrates,  about  one-hundred  and  forty  miles 
southeast  of  Babylon.  The  narrow  strip  of  land 
between  the  Euphrates  and  the  Arabian  desert 
as  far  as  the  Persian  Gulf,  including  the  marshy 
land  surrounding  the  outlet  of  the  rivers,  was  called 
Kaldu,  especially  in  the  second  and  first  millen- 
niums B.  C.  From  the  Greek  Xah^aiot  we  get  the 
word  Chaldeans.  The  original  pronunciation  of 
the  Babylonian  Kaldu  was  likely  Kashdu,  from 
which  the  Hebrew  Kashdim  is  derived.^  The 
biblical  Merodach-baladan  of  the  time  of  Hezekiah, 
who  established  himself  on  the  throne  at  Babylon, 
was  a  Chaldean.  It  is  thought  by  some  scholars 
that  Nabopolassar,  the  father  of  Nebuchadrezzar, 
was  also  from  that  land. 

No  extensive  excavations  have  been  conducted 
up  to  the  present  time  at  the  group  of  mounds 
which  represent  the  city,  but  through  the  explora- 

^  See  Hommel,  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition,  p.  210  i. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        197 

tions  of  Taylor  and  Loftus,  and  inscriptions  found 
elsewhere,  considerable  is  known  about  the  city. 
The  principal  temple  of  Ur  was  called  E-gishshir-gal. 
Others  are  E-mu-ri-a-na-ba-ak  and  E-shu-gan-du-dUy 
which,  however,  some  think  may  be  the  same  as 
the  first  mentioned.  In  returning  from  Nippur  on 
his  second  campaign.  Doctor   Peters   found  a  door- 


The  Temple  of  the  moon-god  Sin  at  Ur  of  the  Chaldees. 

socket  at  Ur,  lying  on  the  surface.  It  is  in  diorite, 
and  bears  an  inscription  of  Gimil-Sin,  king  of  Ur. 
The  inscription  reads: 

To  the  god  Nannar,  the  first  born  of  Bel,  his  be- 
loved king  Gimil-Sin,  the  beloved  of  Nannar,  a  king 
whom  Bel  had  appointed  in  his  heart  to  be  shepherd 
of  the  world,  and  of  the  four  corners  of  the  earth, 
the  mighty  king,  king  of  Ur,  king  of  the  four  corners 
of  the  earth,  E-mu-ri-a-na-ba-ak,  his  beloved  house  he 
has  built. 


198  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

The  socket,  because  of  its  connection  with  Ur  of 
the  Chaldees,  and  the  fact  that  it  is  so  weU  preserved, 
is  one  of  the  treasures  of  the  Archaeological  Museum 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 


Door-socket  of  Gimil-Sin,  found  at  Ur  of  the  Chaldees. 

The  results  of  the  excavations  of  the  Bel  temple 
at  Nippur  (see  page  114)  enable  us  to  picture  in 
mind  the  temple  of  Ur  when  Abram  lived  there. 
The  style  of  dress,  as  shown  on  the  statues  discovered 
at  Telloh,  of  men  and  women  (see  page  163),  is 
doubtless  an  indication  of  that  which  was  worn  by 
Abram  and  Sarah.      In  fact,   every  antiquity  dis- 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Abraham        199 

covered    belonging    to    that    period    is    illustrative 
of  the  life  in  the  patriarch's  home. 

When  Abram  lived  in  Ur,  the  city  was  under  the 
suzerainty  of  Elam.  About  2285  B.  C,  Kudur- 
Nankhundi  with  his  hordes  had  invaded  the  land, 
and  put  most  of  the  cities  under  his  subjection. 
The  lower  part  of  the  valley  continued  to  be  a 
dominion  of    Elam   until   the   thirty-first   year    of 


Impression  of  a  seal  cylinder.    Ur-Engur  standing  before  the  moon-god  Sin. 


Amraphel,  when  that  ruler  was  able  to  throw  off 
the  yoke,  and  conquer  the  country. 

From  Ur,  Abram  with  his  father  proceeded  to 
Harran,  which  was  about  560  miles  to  the  north- 
west of  the  city.  It  is  situated  along  the  banks  of 
the  Bellas,  a  tributary  of  the  Euphrates.  The  name 
Harran,  means  "road"  (karrdnii)  in  Assyrian,  doubt- 
less  having  derived   its   name   from  being  on  the 


200  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

high-road  between  Syria  and  the  Mesopotamia 
valley.  Harran  was  affiliated  with  Ur,  in  so  far  that 
the  tutelary  deities  of  both  cities  were  the  same. 
If  Terah,  whom  we  imagine  was  a  devotee  of  the 
god  Sin,  from  the  passage  in  Joshua  (24:  2),  and  be- 
cause his  house  had  been  in  Ur,  it  is  not  at  all  im- 
probable that,  feeling  at  home  in  Harran  after  leav- 
ing Ur,  he  refused  to  proceed  further.  This  sugges- 
tion has  been  offered  as  a  reason  why  Abram  tarried 
with  Terah  in  that  city  before  he  completed  his 
journey  to  Canaan. 

In  the  past  it  has  been  customary  to  draw  freely 
from  what  is  known  as  the  contract  literature  to 
portray  the  every-day  life  that  pulsated  in  the 
streets  of  ancient  Babylonian  cities.  The  discovery 
of  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  however,  gives  us  in  a 
systematic  form  much  important  information  con- 
cerning the  family,  state,  and  other  subjects  that 
enables  us  to  get  even  a  clearer  idea  than  hereto- 
fore of  life  in  the  age  of  Abraham. 


VIII 

CODE   OF   HAMMURABI 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1901  and  the  beginning 
of  1902,  M.  de  Morgan,  the  French  archeologist, 
who  had  been  excavating  for  the  past  years,  for  his 
government,  at  the  acropoUs  of  Susa,  (or  "  Shus- 
han  the  palace, "  as  it  is  referred  to  in  the  book  of 
Esther),  discovered  the  now  famous  Code  of  Ham- 
murabi. It  is  the  longest  cuneiform  inscription 
known,  and  perhaps  the  most  important  monument 
of  antiquity  thus  far  discovered  in  the  history  of 
excavations.  It  was  found  in  three  large  fragments, 
which  were  readily  joined  together.  It  is  cut  out 
of  a  block  of  diorite,  and  stands  seven  feet,  four 
inches  high.  At  the  base  it  is  aboiit  twenty- two 
inches  wide,  and  at  the  top  just  above  the  bas- 
relief  it  is  about  sixteen  inches.  On  the  uppermost 
part  of  this  enormous  block  of  stone,  Hammurabi 
had  himself  depicted  in  bas-relief,  standing  before 
the  sun-god,  Shamash,  who  is  seated  on  a  throne. 
The  god  wears  a  swathed  head-gear,  which  is  adorned 
with  horns  and  a  flounced  garment.  In  his  hand  is 
a  staff  or  scepter  and  a  ring,  emblematic  perhaps 
of  authority  and  eternity.  Rays  emanate  from 
behind  his  shoulder. 

In  reverent  obedience,  Hammurabi  stands  before 

201 


202  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  god  with  his  right  hand  near  his  face,  perhaps 
to  emphasize  the  fact  that  he  is  Hstening.  His  left 
hand  is  resting  against  his  body  at  the  waist,  an 
attitude  quite  similar  to  his  position  in  a  relief  upon 
a  brick  in  the  British  Museum.  He  wears  upon  his 
head  a  cap  with  fillet,  well  known  from  the  early 
Sumerian  heads  of  statues  found  at  Telloh  and 
Nippur  (see  page  159).  He  is  clothed  in  a  long 
ttmic,  which  lies  in  folds;  it  is  hemmed  in  at  the 
waist.  Like  the  gods,  he  wears  what  we  know  as  the 
artificially-plaited  Assyrian  beard. 

Beneath  the  bas-relief  are  sixteen  parallel  columns 
running  belt- wise,  beneath  which  five  additional 
lines  had  been  erased,  and  the  stone  polished.  On 
the  reverse  there  are  twenty-eight  parallel  columns, 
containing  in  all  about  four  thousand  lines  of  a 
closely-written  cuneiform  inscription.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  some  king  may  have  desired  to  alter 
certain  laws;  but  more  probable  that  the  invader, 
who  had  carried  away  the  stele,  desired  to  inscribe 
upon  it  an  account  of  its  recovery  from  the  Baby- 
lonians. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  the  stone  discovered  is 
one  of  many  copies  set  up  in  different  centers  of 
Hammurabi's  great  empire.  A  fragment  of. another 
stele,  containing  a  portion  of  the  epilogue,  was  also 
found  by  de  Morgan  at  Susa.  The  closing  lines  of 
the  complete  stele  seem  to  show  that  it  had  been 
set  up  in  Ebarra,  the  temple  of  Shamash,  in  Sippara. 
Another    expression    in    the    inscription    seems    to 


The  Code  of  Hammurabi. 


204  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

indicate  that  a  similar  stele  stood  near  the  statue 
of  the  god  Marduk  in  his  temple  Esagila  in  Babylon. 
This,  doubtless,  was  the  original,  as  Babylon  was 
the  capital,  and  the  others  which  were  deposited 
in  the  different  cities  were  copies. 

Several  fragments  of  tablets,  now  in  the  British 
Museum,  which  had  been  written  for  Ashurbanipal 
(668-626  B.  C),  and  which  were  called  "The  judg- 
ment of  the  righteousness  which  Hammurabi  the 
great  king  set  up, "  indicate  that  his  scribes  had 
copied  somewhere  these  laws.  In  Babylonia  also 
a  series  was  known  by :  N tnu-ilum- strum .  "  when  the 
lofty  Anu,  "  which  are  the  opening  words  of  the  code. 
Fragments  of  these  having  been  published  by 
Professor  Peiser  before  the  discovery  of  the  stele. 
Professor  Delitzsch  inferred  the  existence  of  the 
code,  and  even  styled  it  the  "  Code  of  Hammurabi.  " 
By  the  assistance  of  these  copies,  attempts  have 
been  made  to  restore  some  of  the  erased  portions 
of  the  code. 

This  stele  was  carried  to  Elam  by  some  conqueror 
of  Babylonia.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  place  of  dis- 
covery another  stele,  which  recorded  a  victory  by 
Naram-Sin,  was  found.  A  part  of  its  inscription 
was  also  erased,  and  recut  by  Sutruk-Nankhundi 
(about  1200  B.C.),  who  says  that  he  secured  this 
stele  at  Sippara,  and  dedicated  it  to  his  god  Shu- 
shinak  at  Susa.  De  Morgan  also  found  a  large 
number  of  Babylonian  boundary-stones  belonging 
to  the  Cassite  period.     These  facts  point  to  an  in- 


Code  of  Hammurabi  205 

vasion  by  the  Elamites  at  the  close  of  the  Cassite 
dynasty,  and  make  it  probable  that  Sutruk- 
Nankhundi  had  also  carried  away  the  stele  of 
Hammurabi. 

The  inscription  is  divided  into  a  prologue,  code, 
and  an  epilogue.  In  the  prologue,  Hammurabi 
gives  his  titles,  mentions  the  gods  he  worshiped, 
enumerates  the  cities  over  which  he  ruled,  and  in 
general  magnifies  himself  by  referring  to  the  bene- 
ficent deeds  which  he  conferred  upon  his  people 
and  country.  Including  the  number  of  laws  erased, 
which  are  estimated  at  about  thirty-five,  the  code 
has  about  tw^o  hundred  and  eighty-two  paragraphs 
of  laws. 

Contrary  to  the  conclusions  arrived  at  by  other 
scholars.  Professor  Lyon  of  Harvard  has  shown 
that  Hammurabi  has  arranged  his  laws  in  a  definite 
and  logical  system.  He  says:^  "In  the  skilful 
arrangement  of  its  material,  the  code  has  never 
been  excelled,  and  it  has  probably  never  been  ap- 
proached. " 

On  some  subjects  but  one  law  is  given,  while 
upon  others  as  many  as  thirty.  The  following 
brief  outline  will  afford  an  idea  of  the  subject-matter 
treated:  Witchcraft,  witnesses,  judges;  concerning 
offenses  involving  the  purity  of  justice,  as  tampering 
with   witnesses,  jury,   or   judge ;   crimes  of   various 


^  The    Structure    of    the   Hammurabi    Code,    Journal   of    the 
American  Oriental  Society,  Vol.  XXV,  p.  254. 


206  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

sorts,  as  theft,  receiving  stolen  goods,  kidnaping, 
fugitive  slaves,  burglary;  duties  of  public  officers 
in  their  administration;  laws  relating  to  landlords, 
tenants,  creditors,  debtors;  canal  and  water  rights, 
licenses,  messengers,  herdsmen,  gardeners,  slander, 
family  relationship,  marriage,  divorce,  desertion, 
breach  of  promise,  adultery,  unchastity,  concubin- 
age; rights  of  women,  purchase  money  of  brides, 
inheritance,  adoption,  responsibility  for  all  kinds 
of  assaults;  fees  of  surgeons,  branding  of  slaves, 
fees  and  responsibilities  of  builders  and  boatmen, 
hiring  of  boats;  agricultural  life,  the  purchase  and 
punishment  of  slaves  who  repudiate  their  master,  etc. 

In  the  epilogue,  Hammurabi  recounts  his  noble 
deeds,  and  credits  himself  with  faithfulness  in  ad- 
ministration and  loyalty  to  the  interest  of  the  people. 
He  charges  that  every  ruler  shall  observe  the  laws 
and  commandments  after  him.  He  pronounces  a 
blessing  upon  those  who  will  faithfully  administer 
the  laws;  and  in  long-drawn-out  curses,  he  calls 
upon  the  gods  of  Babylonia  to  destroy  those  who 
neglect  and  annul  them,  or  who  alter  the  inscription. 

There  is  no  definite  information  as  regards  the 
origin  of  the  code,  but  many  things  point  to  the  fact 
that  earlier  collections  of  laws  were  utilized  by  the 
codifier.  The  legal  phraseology  employed,  the  exis- 
tence of  the  early  Sumerian  family  laws,  the  fact 
that  some  of  the  same  laws  were  quoted  in  the  con- 
tract tablets  of  an  earlier  period,  all  point  to  the 
existence  of  a  code  or  codes  prior  to  Hammurabi. 


Code  of  Hammurabi  207 

The  fact  should  be  taken  into  consideration  that 
the  greatest  confusion  must  have  existed  in  Baby- 
lonia prior  to  the  conquest  of  Hammurabi  because 
of  the  many  petty  independent  states.  Also  Elam, 
having  dominated  a  portion  of  the  land  for  a  long 
period  with  Rim-Sin  (Arioch),  the  king's  son,  sta- 
tioned at  Larsa,  must  have  influenced  greatly  the 
courts  of  justice  and  their  decisions  in  that  section 
of  the  country.  The  codification  of  laws  under  such 
conditions,  or  the  promulgation  of  old  but  accepted 
judicial  decisions, — sentences  of  judgment,  as  Hamx- 
murabi  himself  regarded  them, — was  surely  a  task 
of  no  mean  proportions. 

The  study  of  the  code  reveals  the  same  peculiar 
mixtures  of  laws  suitable  for  different  states  of  so- 
ciety as  is  found  in  the  Old  Testament.  In  short, 
the  code  doubtless  amalgamated  the  diverse  elements 
of  the  small  states,  which  had  been  handed  down 
by  the  former  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  the  Sumerian 
as  w^ell  as  the  Semitic.  In  the  establishment  of  his 
mighty  empire,  which  held  together  for  centuries, 
this  unification  of  laws,  dispensed  in  regular  courts 
of  justice,  doubtless  was  one  of  the  most  important 
factors  in  overcoming  the  great  confusion  that 
must  have  existed. 

The  code  recognizes  three  grades  in  society. 
First,  the  amelii,  which  included  the  aristocrat,  the 
gentleman,  the  free  citizen,  the  professional  man, 
the  officer,  the  tradesman.  Secondly,  the  miishkcnu, 
who  was,  as  the  term  implies,  the  poor  man,  or  pleb, 


208  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  man  of  a  lower  rank;  the  freedman  who  had 
been  a  slave  was  also  included.  His  temple  offer- 
ings could  be  less.  His  fines  were  lower,  but  at  the 
same  time,  in  case  of  injury,  the  damages  he  re- 
ceived were  also  less  than  those  of  the  gentry. 
Thirdly,  the  ardu,  or  the  slave.  There  seem  to  have 
been  a  great  many  slaves  in  Babylonia  at  that  time. 
Besides  recognizing  these  three  grades,  the  code 
legislated  also  for  certain  classes  of  men  and  women, 
professions,  trades,  and  occupations. 

It  has  been  the  custom  with  most  peoples  in  a 
large  part  of  the  ancient  as  well  as  the  modern  Ori- 
ent, including  the  Hebrews,  to  base  a  betrothal  upon 
an  agreement  of  the  man  or  his  parents  to  pay  a 
sum  of  money  to  the  father  of  the  girl.  In  Baby- 
lonia this  was  called  terhatu,  "bride  money."  This, 
together  with  the  gift  of  the  husband  and  her  dowry, 
formed  the  marriage-portion  which  was  given  to 
the  bride.  It  would  hardly  be  right  to  call  the  money 
which  was  paid  the  price  of  the  bride,  as  the  trans- 
action was  primarily  for  prudential  purposes.  It 
gave  her  protection  against  ill  treatment  and  infi- 
dehty  on  the  part  of  her  husband,  as  well  as  divorce. 
She  perhaps  could  not  get  this  protection  in  a  bet- 
ter way.  For  while  her  husband  may  have  made 
use  of  her  money,  if  she  returned  to  her  father's 
house  she  took  it  with  her,  unless  she  was  the  offend- 
ing party.  This  made  the  position  of  woman 
higher  than  it  would  have  been  otherwise.  If  she 
died  childless,  her  dowry  was  returned  to  her  family. 


Code  of  Hammurabi  209 

If  she  had  children,  the  marriage  portion  was  di- 
vided among  them.  In  case  the  father  of  the  girl 
rejected  her  suitor,  double  the  amount  of  his  ter- 
liatH  was  returned.  If  the  suitor  broke  his  engage- 
ment, the  girl's  father  retained  the  terJ^atu.  If  he 
had  been  slandered  by  a  rival,  the  latter  could  not 
marry  the  woman.  It  seems  that  the  betrothal 
took  place  when  the  parties  were  young;  and  the 
engagements  were  usually  made  by  the  parents.  If 
the  father  died  before  all  the  sons  were  married, 
prior  to  the  distribution  of  the  estate,  the  ierh,atu 
for  those  not  having  wives  was  first  deducted. 

In  the  marriage  contracts,  which  were  necessary 
to  make  the  marriage  legal,  it  is  not  unusual  to  find 
conditions, — such  as  the  bride  being  required  to 
wait  upon  her  mother-in-law,  or  even  upon  another 
wife;  or  certain  conditions  relative  to  the  disposi- 
tion of  property  given  by  her  father;  or  in  case  the 
man  broke  his  agreement  and  took  a  second  wife, 
that  she  could  secure  a  divorce. 

Concubinage  was  indulged  in,  especially  where 
the  first  wife  was  childless,  and  she  had  not  given 
her  husband  a  slave-maid,  in  order  that  he  might 
have  children.  The  concubine  could  not  place 
herself  on  an  equality  with  the  wife,  although  she 
was  a  free  woman,  and  lived  in  the  same  house.  If 
she  became  insolent  she  could  be  reduced  to  slavery, 
but  could  not  be  sold  if  she  had  borne  children. 
After  the  man's  death,  she  had  the  usufruct  of  house 
and  garden  to  raise  her  children.    When  they  came 


210  Light  on  the  Okl  Testament 

into  possession  of  their  inheritance,  she  received  a 
child's  portion,  after  which  she  could  again  marry. 
If  the  man  recognized  the  concubine's  children  as 
his  own,  at  his  death  his  estate  was  equally  shared 
by  the  children  of  both,  with  preference,  however, 
of  choice  to  the  wife's  children.  If  he  had  not  rec- 
ognized them  as  his  own,  they  received  nothing, 
but  gained  their  freedom. 

The  wife  received,  at  her  husband's  death,  her 
marriage  portion  and  anything  deeded  to  her  by 
her  husband  during  life.  If  he  had  not  made  her  a 
gift,  she  received  a  son's  share.  At  her  death,  what 
she  possessed  was  divided  among  her  children. 
After  her  husband's  death,  the  children  could  not 
force  her  to  leave  her  home;  but,  if  she  desired  to 
marry  again,  she  could  take  along  her  marriage- 
portion.  At  her  death,  this  was  shared  by  the 
children  from  both  marriages.  A  widow  with  young 
children  could  only  marry  with  the  consent  of  the 
judge.  An  inventory  was  made  of  the  former  hus- 
band's property,  which  was  then  entrusted  to  the 
couple  for  the  children.  Not  a  utensil  could  be  sold. 
The  buyer  of  an  article  lost  it,  and  the  price  paid 
for  it. 

According  to  the  Sumerian  laws,  which  are  fre- 
quently found  quoted  in  the  contracts  of  this  age,  a 
man  could  divorce  his  wife  by  paying  her  one  half 
mina.  These  laws  doubtless  belonged  to  an  earlier 
age.  The  code  provided  that  if  a  man  divorced  a 
wife,   whether  a  concubine  or  votary,   if  she  had 


Code  of  Hammurabi  211 

borne  him  children,  her  marriage-portion  was  to 
be  given  to  her,  besides  the  necessaries  of  life,  to 
bring  up  her  children.  After  they  were  grown  up, 
they  were  compelled  to  give  the  mother  a  son's 
share.  She  was  then  free  to  marry  again.  In  case 
she  had  not  borne  children,  she  received  back  her 
dowry  including  the  bride-price.  In  case  there  was 
no  bride -price,  she  received  one  mina  of  silver  if  the 
man  belonged  to  the  gentry;  but  if  a  commoner, 
one-third  of  a  mina.  A  woman  who  had  lived  prop- 
erly could  divorce  her  husband  w^ho  had  been  faith- 
less, in  which  case  she  returned  to  her  father's 
house  with  her  dowry.  In  the  case  of  a  worthless 
woman,  the  code  provides  for  her  divorce  without 
any  provision.  The  husband  could  marry  again, 
and  degrade  her  as  a  slave.  If  she  had  been  un- 
faithful, she  could  be  drowned.  Disease  offered 
no  grounds  for  divorce.  The  man,  however,  could 
marry  a  second  wife,  but  was  compelled  to  main- 
tain, in  his  home,  his  invalid  wife  as  long  as  she 
lived.  If  she  preferred  to  return  to  her  father's 
house,  her  dowry  was  returned  to  her. 

The  code  legislated  concerning  desertion.  If  a 
man  was  taken  captive  in  war,  having  provided  for 
his  wife's  maintenance  during  his  absence,  and  she 
entered  another  man's  house,  she  was  condemned 
to  death  as  an  adulteress.  If  he  had  not  provided 
for  her,  and  she  had  borne  the  other  man  children, 
on  the  return  of  her  husband  she  was  compelled  to 
return  to  him,  but  the  children  remained  with  their 


212  Light  on  the  Okl  Testament 

father.  If  the  desertion  was  voluntary,  and  he  had 
not  provided  for  his  wife,  on  his  return  he  could  not 
reclaim  her.  > 

The  father,  while  he  had  no  control  over  the  life 
and  death  of  his  child,  could  treat  him  as  a 
chattel,  and  pledge  for  a  debt.  In  four  years  the 
child  became  free.  For  disobedience,  in  the  old 
Sumerian  law,  a  father  could  brand  a  son  and  sell 
him  as  a  slave;  or,  according  to  the  code,  his  hands 
could  be  cut  off.  If  the  father  desired  to  favor  one 
of  his  children,  this  could  only  be  done  w^hile  he  was 
living,  and  by  contract.  After  the  father's  death, 
the  law  of  inheritance  fixed  the  child's  share.  To 
cut  off  a  child  from  sonship,  it  was  necessary  to 
make  charges  of  wrong-doing  before  a  judge.  Only 
after  the  second  offense,  and  for  a  serious  misde- 
meanor, could  he  be  disinherited.  If  an  adopted 
child  of  a  votary  or  palace  favorite  repudiated  his 
foster  parents,  his  tongue  should  be  cut  out;  and 
if  he  ran  away,  his  eyes  were  to  be  put  out,  for  his 
ingratitude. 

A  number  of  the  laws  refer  to  the  adoption  of 
children.  A  great  many  adoption  contracts  belong- 
ing to  this  time  are  known.  If  a  child  that  had  been 
adopted  discovered  its  parents,  and  desired  to  re- 
turn to  them,  this  could  be  done,  provided  a  handi- 
craft had  not  been  taught,  nor  he  had  been  con- 
sidered a  son,  or  had  not  been  adopted  by  one  be- 
longing to  the  court.  If  a  man  desired  to  disinherit 
a    foster-child,  he  could    do   so  by  paying   it   one- 


Code  of  Hammurabi  213 

third  of  a  child's  share.  A  great  many  contracts 
show  that  children  were  adopted  by  aged  people, 
that  they  might  care  for  them  in  their  old  age. 

A  great  many  laws  in  the  code  bear  upon  slavery ; 
considered  in  connection  with  the  many  contracts 
and  documents  dealing  with  slaves,  these  give  very 
satisfactory  knowledge  concerning  this  class  of 
social  beings.  The  slave  was  treated  like  a  piece  of 
property.  He  could  be  sold  or  pledged.  If  he  re- 
ceived injury  at  the  hands  of  another,  compensation 
for  the  same  was  paid  to  the  owner.  For  insolence 
he  could  be  branded,  or  tattooed;  but  his  master 
could  not  put  him  to  death.  If  agreeable  to  his 
master,  he  could  engage  in  business  and  acquire 
wealth.  With  this  he  could  buy  his  freedom.  He 
could  marry,  and  live  in  a  house  of  his  own,  by  his 
master's  consent.  If  he  married  a  slave  girl,  the 
law  permitted  the  owner  to  regard  his  children  and 
property  as  his  own.  If  he  married  a  free  woman, 
the  master  had  no  claim  upon  the  children  or  prop- 
erty. At  the  slave's  death,  the  property  was  di- 
vided between  the  wife  and  himself.  Her  children 
were  free.  A  slave  could  become  a  concubine.  At 
the  death  of  her  master,  she  gained  her  freedom. 
The  law  of  adoption  enabled  him  to  adopt  their 
children,  when  they  could  become  his  heirs.  In 
case  he  had  no  other  children,  these  would  have 
first  choice  in  the  distribution  of  his  property.  As 
Sarah  gave  Hagar  to  Abraham,  the  Babylonian 
wife  could  give  a  slave  girl  to  her  husband  for  wife. 


214  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

The  woman,  however,  retained  the  right  to  punish 
her  in  case  of  insolence.  If  she  had  not  borne  chil- 
dren, she  could  sell  her  as  a  slave.  If  she  had  borne 
children,  the  wife  could  not  send  her  away,  but  could 
put  a  slave  mark  upon  her,  and  reckon  her  with  the 
slaves.  The  story  of  Hagar  was  in  strict  accord 
with  Babylonian  custom,  except  the  sending  of  her 
away. 

Provision  was  made  also  with  reference  to  dis- 
ease when  a  slave  was  sold.  In  case  the  buyer  detected 
any  weakness  or  disease  within  a  month  after  the 
purchase,  the  owner  could  be  compelled  to  redeem 
the  slave.  In  the  case  of  a  runaway  slave,  the  cap- 
tor was  compelled  to  return  him  to  his  master,  when 
he  received  two  shekels.  The  death  penalty  was  the 
punishment  for  the  captor  who  retained  or  har- 
bored the  slave.  A  great  many  of  the  slaves  were 
the  captives  of  military  expeditions,  and,  for  a  certain 
period,  certain  obligations  were  due  the  state  on 
the  part  of  those  who  received  them.  Freemen 
could  also  be  enslaved  to  settle  unsatisfied  obliga- 
tions. 

The  code  makes  us  familiar  with  a  class  of  vota- 
ries. They  were,  however,  altogether  different 
from  the  prostitutes  dedicated  to  the  goddess  Ishtar 
at  Erech.  Some  seem  to  have  been  women  of  means, 
and  were  highly  respected.  Their  vow  included 
virginity.  They  lived  in  a  convent,  or  bride-cham- 
ber. On  taking  the  vow,  they  usually  received  a 
dowry,  as  the  bride  of  the  god.     It  was  possible  for 


Code  of  Hammurabi  215 

them  to  leave  the  convent  and  marry,  but  they 
must  remain  virgins.  If  her  husband  insisted  upon 
having  children,  she  was  required  to  give  him  a  maid, 
in  which  case  he  could  not  take  a  concubine.  If 
she  refused,  he  could  take  one;  but  she  could  not 
rank  on  the  same  equality  with  the  votary.  In  case 
the  concubine  bore  children,  and  placed  herself  on 
an  equality  with  the  votary,  the  latter  could  brand 
her,  and  reckon  her  as  a  slave.  If  she  had  not  borne 
children,  she  could  be  sold  for  insolence.  If  the  vo- 
tary broke  her  vow,  and  bore  children,  she  had  no 
legal  right  to  their  possession.  They  could  be 
■adopted  by  others. 

Votaries  seemed  to  have  engaged  in  business 
relations  with  others.  They  were,  however,  not 
permitted,  on  pain  of  death  by  burning,  to  keep  a 
.beer  shop  or  even  enter  one.  At  a  father's  death,  the 
votary  was  entitled  to  one-third  of  a  son's  share. 
Her  estate  could  be  managed  by  her  brothers,  but 
in  case  dissatisfaction  arose  she  could  appoint  a 
steward  to  look  after  her  affairs.  In  the  event  of 
her  death,  her  property  reverted  to  her  brothers.  If 
the  father  had  made  a  deed  of  gift,  she  could  dis- 
pose of  it  as  she  desired.  There  was  a  class  of  vo- 
taries dedicated  to  the  god  Marduk,  at  Babylon, 
w^ho  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  disposing  of  their 
property  at  death  as  they  saw  fit. 

It  seems  the  wine  shops  were  usually  kept  by 
women,  for  whom  the  code  had  especial  legislation. 
The  measure  for  drink  was  to  be  the  same  as  for 


216  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

corn.  In  case  she  overcharged  her  customers,  they 
could  throw  her  into,  the  water.  If  she  did  not  in- 
form the  authorities  in  case  she  overheard  treasonable 
conspiracy  in  her  shop,  the  penalty  was  death. 

For  surgery  and  the  practise  of  medicine,  there 
was  special  legislation.  If  the  physician  cured  a 
broken  Hmb,  or  healed  a  diseased  bowel,  his  fee 
from  the  gentry  was  fixed  at  five  shekels;  from  the 
commoner,  three ;  and  from  the  master  of  the  slave 
treated,  two.  As  in  later  periods,  magic  and  medi- 
cine were  doubtless  intimately  connected  with  each 
other.  Decoctions  of  various  kinds  were  employed 
in  connection  with  the  repertory  of  incantations 
and  exorcism.  Whether  the  aid  of  one  who  pos- 
sessed priestly  functions  to  conduct  this  part  was 
necessary,  is  not  known. 

In  order  to  discourage  the  surgeon  from  making 
rash  operations,  and  overcharging  his  patients,  se- 
vere penalties  were  fixed  in  case  of  unsuccessful 
operations;  and  for  successful  ones  the  fees  were 
regulated.  For  an  operation  upon  the  upper  class, 
the  surgeon  received  ten  shekels;  the  lower  class, 
five;  and  a  slave,  two.  If  the  patient  died,  the 
surgeon's  hands  were  cut  off.  In  the  case  of  a 
slave,  he  had  to  replace  him  with  one  of  equal 
value.  If  the  eye  of  a  slave  was  lost,  the  owner 
received  half  the   price   of   the   slave. 

The  veterinary  surgeon  was  already  recognized 
as  being  in  a  distinct  class.  If  his  operations  were 
successful,  his  fee  was  one-sixth  of  a  shekel.     If  the 


Code  of  Hammurabi  217 

animal  died,  he  was  compelled  to  pay  one-sixth  of 
the  value. 

Similar  legislation  was  enacted  for  builders. 
For  a  completed  house,  he  was  paid  at  the  rate  of 
two  shekels  per  sar  of  house.  The  punishment  for 
his  bad  workmanship,  in  case  the  house  fell  down, 
was  the  death  penalty  if  the  owner  was  killed.  If 
a  son  of  the  owner  was  killed,  one  of  his  own  sons 
was  put  to  death.  A  slave  had  to  be  replaced  by 
another,  and  the  loss  of  goods  he  had  to  make  good. 
Further,  he  was  compelled  to  rebuild  the  house  at 
his  own  expense. 

The  boat-builder  was  paid  at  the  rate  of  two 
shekels,  per  gur  in  the  boat.  His  work  was  guaran- 
teed for  one  year.  In  case  it  did  not  prove  trust- 
worthy, and  the  boat  suffered  injury,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  repair  it,  or  replace  it.  If  a  man  hired  a 
boat,  and  it  was  lost  or  injured,  he  had  to  make  good 
the  loss.  If  the  owner  hired  a  boatman,  his  wages 
were  fixed  at  six  gur  per  year.  If  the  boat  suffered 
injury  through  his  carelessness,  he  made  good  the 
loss.  If  the  ship  grounded,  and  he  refloated  it,  he 
had  to  pay  the  owner  one-half  its  price.  If  a  boat 
was  sunk  at  anchor  by  another,  the  owner  made 
an  affidavit  regarding  his  loss,  which  was  refunded 
by  the  one  who  had  done  the  damage. 

The  office  of  judge  seems  to  have  occupied  a  po- 
sition relatively  the  same  as  in  these  days.  His 
pronounced  decision,  however,  was  to  be  irrevoca- 
ble.    In  case  he  altered  it,  he  was  to  pay  twelve- 


218  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


o 


fold  the  penalty  of  the  judgment,  and  be  publicly 
expelled  from  his  seat.  Thereafter  he  could  not 
even  sit  with  the  judges  at  a  trial. 

A  defendant  in  a  serious  case  was  granted  six 
months  if  necessary  to  produce  his  witnesses.  Tam- 
pering with  witnesses  was  penalized  heavily.  If 
the  witnesses  testified  falsely,  and  the  judgment 
involved  the  death  penalty,  he  was  killed.  The  oath 
figured  prominently  in  the  code,  and  in  the  con- 
tracts that  have  been  deciphered.  Considerable 
importance  in  this  age  was  attached  to  it  in  the  pur- 
gation of  charges,  and  claims  for  injury.  It  seems 
to  have  been  administered  at  particular  places,  e.g., 
at  the  Shasharii  of  Shamash  in  Sippara,  or  before 
the  sculptured  dragon  on  the  door  of  the  temple  of 
Marduk  at  Babylon.  The  gods  invoked  in  the  oath 
were  the  patron  deities  of  the  city;  at  Sippara,  for 
example,  Shamash,  Ai,  and  Marduk  were  invoked; 
at  Nippur,  Bel,  Ninib,  and  Nusku.  In  many  of  the 
documents,  the  name  of  the  king  was  invoked  with 
the  gods.     It  usually  follows  the  names  of  the  gods. 

The  decision  was  generally  drawn  up  by  the  scribe, 
who  gave  the  names  of  the  witnesses  and  the  judge. 
These  documents  usually  contain  the  seal  impres- 
sions of  some  of  the  witnesses  and  the  judge.  If  the 
decision  in  a  criminal  case  was  unfavorable  to  the 
prosecutor,  and  it  involved  the  death  penalty,  he 
himself  was  killed.  For  a  false  accusation  of  slander, 
he  was  branded,  and  generally  he  was  required  to 
pay  the  penalty  that  would  have  been  exacted  from 


Code  of  Hammurabi  219 

the  accused     if  he  had  been  successful  in  gaining 
the  suit. 

The  death  penalty  seems  to  have  been  inflicted 
for  a  great  many  offenses ;  at  least  the  code  requires 
it    as   the    punishment.      But    whether   the    judges 
generally  inflicted  the  extreme  penalty,  cannot  be 
ascertained.     Considering  that  the  judges  had  legis- 
lative  power,   the   code   could  not  be   regarded   as 
much  more  severe  than  some  codes  of  the  Christian 
era.     It  was  inflicted  for  witchcraft,  bearing  false 
witness  in  a  capital  trial,  housebreaking,  highway 
robbery,  adultery,  neglect  of  duties  on  the  part  of 
certain  officers,  criminal  negligence  on  the  part  of  a 
builder,  permitting  conspiracy  in  a  beer  shop,  for 
theft  at  a  fire,  for  desertion  on  the  part  of  a  woman, 
for  kidnaping  a   child,    and   harboring  a   runaway 
slave.    In  many  cases  the  kind  of  death  is  not  stated ; 
but  in  others  it  is.      Drowning  is  mentioned  for  a 
woman  caught  in  adultery,  unless  her  husband  ap- 
peals to  the  king  in  her  behalf;  impalement  for  a 
woman  who  had  her  husband  killed  for  the  sake  of 
another ;  burning  for  incest  with  his  mother  or  step- 
mother after  the  father's  death. 

Corporal  mutilation  or  punishment  was  freely  in- 
dulged in.  The  lex  talionts,  eye  for  eye,  tooth  for 
tooth,  the  cutting  off  the  hand  for  striking  a  father, 
or  for  unlawful  surgery;  the  branding  of  the  slave 
on  the  forehead  of  an  individual  for  slandering 
a  votary,  are  mentioned  in  the  code.  On  the  death 
of  a  child,  the  wet-nurse's  breasts  were  cut  off  if 


220  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

it  was  learned  that  she  had  suckled  another  child 
at  the  same  time.  For  grossly  assaulting  a  superior, 
scourging  was  the  penalty.  Sixty  lashes  with  an 
ox-hide  whip  w^ere  publicly  administered.  If  the 
offender  was  a  slave,  he  had  his  ear  cut  off.  For 
an  assault  upon  an  equal  the  penalty  was  one  mina 
of  silver;  if  upon  a  plebeian,  one  half-mina.  If  a 
man  struck  a  free  woman  who  was  pregnant,  result- 
ing in  a  miscarriage,  he  was  compelled  to  pay  ten 
shekels;  if  he  assaulted  a  daughter  of  a  plebeian, 
five  shekels;  and  if  a  man's  maid,  tw^o.  If  the 
woman  died,  and  she  was  a  free  woman,  his  own 
daughter  was  killed;  but  if  a  plebeian,  one  half- 
mina  of  silver;  and  if  a  maid,  one-third.  If  the 
slave  brander  removed  the  marks  of  a  slave  without 
the  owner's  consent,  his  hands  were  cut  off.  If  a 
man  had  deceived  the  brander  concerning  the  slave, 
he  was  put  to  death;  the  brander,  on  swearing  that 
he  did  not  do  it  knowingly,  was  permitted  to  go  free. 
A  man  could  give  his  wife,  son,  daughter,  or  slave 
to  work  off  a  debt ;  but  in  the  fourth  year,  he  or  she 
could  gain  freedom.  A  creditor  could  sell  a  slave  he 
held  as  a  pledge,  providing,  if  it  was  a  female,  that 
she  had  not  borne  children  for  her  master ;  in  which 
case  it  devolved  upon  him  to  redeem  her.  If  while 
in  service  a  free-born  hostage  died  from  ill  treat- 
ment, the  creditor's  son  was  put  to  death.  If  a  man 
contracted  a  debt  before  marriage,  the  creditor 
could  not  take  his  wife  for  it.  The  same  applied  to 
the   woman's  debts  before   marriage.     After  their 


Code  of  Hammurabi  g'^l 

marriage,  together  they  were  responsible  for  debts 
contracted. 

In  the  code  the  duties  of  those  having  the  use  of 
government  lands  is  clearly  defined.  There  are  a 
great  many  laws  relating  to  farming,  the  hire  of 
laborers,  oxen,  cows,  wagons,  and  the  regulation  of 
hire  and  wages,  the  grazing  of  flocks,  the  renting 
and  cultivation  of  fields,  and  of  damages  through 
carelessness. 

The  every-day  life  of  the  Babylonian  in  Abra- 
ham's day  can  be  understood  in  no  better  way  at 
the  present  time,  than  by  a  careful  study  of  the 
Hammurabi  Code,^  as  well  as  the  legal  documents  of 
that  period.^ 

To  the  biblical  student  the  study  of  the  code  is 
especially  interesting  as  it  throws  light  upon  cus- 
toms among  the  patriarchs,  for  example  on  Abraham 
seeking  a  wife  for  his  son  (Gen.  24:4),  the  posses- 
sion of   Machpelah  Cave    being  placed  on  a  legal 


^  For  the  text,  transliteration,  translation  in  English,  glossary 
and  sign  list  of  the  Hammurabi  Code,  see  Professor  R.  F.  Har- 
per's excellent  publication,  The  Code  of  Hammurabi. 

^  In  his  "Babylonian  and  Assyrian  Laws,  Contracts  and 
Letters,"  the  Rev.  C.  H.  W.  Johns  of  Cambridge  discusses  at 
length  the  contracts  and  letters  of  this  period  which  have  been 
published  by  Strassmaier,  Meissner,  Pinches,  King  and  others,  as 
well  as  give  a  complete  translation  of  the  Code  of  Hammurabi. 
Recently  two  volumes  by  Drs.  Frederick  and  Ranke  on  the 
Contract  literature  of  this  age  appeared.  The  latter  is  in  the 
series,  Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Vol.  VL,  Part  i.  It  will  be  followed  by  Part  2,  by 
Dr.  Arno  Poeble. 


222  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

basis  (Gen.  23:14-20),  or  Rachel  giving  her  hand- 
maid Bilhah  to  Jacob  for  wife  (Gen.  30:1-4)  as 
well  as  the  story  of  Hagar  (Gen.  16: 1,2). 

An  immense  literature  on  the  code  has  sprung 
into  existence  since  its  discovery.  It  was  first 
translated  and  published  by  Father  Scheil.  Trans- 
lations by  Doctors  Winckler,  Johns,  Pinches,  and 
R.  F.  Harper  followed.  As  there  remains  much 
that  is  obscure  in  the  code,  for  years  to  come  it  will 
form  the  basis  of  studies  on  the  part  of  scholars. 


IX 

MOSES   AND    HAMMURABI 

Some  scholars  have  indulged  in  extravagant  state- 
ments with  reference  to  the  possibility  of  a  code  of 
laws  having  been  promulgated  as  early  as  Moses. 
Such  questions  will  no  longer  be  raised,  but  another, 
now  uppermost  in  the  minds  of  some  scholars,  is, 
whether  the  Mosaic  code  is  dependent  upon  the 
Hammurabi.  It  seems  reasonable  to  assume  that 
the  Israelitish  Code  is  based  on  precedent,  the  same 
as  the  Babylonian,  but  exactly  what  indebtedness 
there  is  due  to  the  Babylonian,  if  any,  or  to  general 
Semitic  law,  will  be  a  question  long  debated  by 
investigators.  Inasmuch,  however,  as  Abraham's 
ancestral  home  w^as  in  Babylonia,  and  as  Ham-, 
murabi  was  suzerain  over  Amiirru  (which  included 
Palestine),  it  would  be  quite  natural  to  suppose  that 
the  latter  established  his  laws  in  that  land  as  well 
as  in  Babylonia;  in  which  case,  later  Palestinian 
laws  would  probably  show  such  influence.  But 
nothing  is  known  at  the  present  which  proves  that 
this  was   done. 

Laws  in  the  two  codes  have  been  pointed  out  as 

being  strictly  parallel.     Others  treat  of  the  same 

subjects,  having  penalties  which  are  quite  similar. 

Besides,  the  study  of  one  code  throws  light  upon 

223 


224  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  other.  In  consideration  of  these  facts  it  is  nat- 
ural and  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Israel's  code 
owes  some  indebtedness  to  the  Babylonian.  If  such 
should  eventually  be  proved  to  be  true  it  would  in 
no  wise  detract  from  the  Israehtish  code.  But  con- 
trary to  what  has  been  declared,  this  does  not  seem 
to  be  the  case.  The  spirit  underlying  the  Oriental 
lex  talionis,  which  has  existed  in  that  region  for 
millenniums,  and  prevails  even  at  the  present  day, 
is  in  both  codes.  Also  certain  laws  arising  from 
common  customs,  peculiar  to  that  entire  district, 
might  be  pointed  out.  But  beyond  these  the  simi- 
larities can  reasonably  be  explained  as  coincidences 
which  are  due  to  the  existence  of  similar  conditions. 
For  the  sake  of  comparison,  some  of  those  which  are 
strikingly  similar  or  are  parallel  in  the  Hammurabi 
and  Mosaic  laws  follow : 

Law  number  7  reads:  "If  a  man  has  received, 
without  witness  or  contract,  from  the  son  of  another, 
or  a  servant  of  another,  silver  or  gold,  male  or  fe- 
male slaves,  ox,  sheep,  or  ass,  or  anything  else,  or 
has  received  [the  same]  in  trust,  that  man  shah  be 
put  to  death  for  theft."  This  enactment  refers  to 
any  one  who  buys  or  receives  on  deposit  anything 
without  a  witness  or  a  contract,  regularly  drawn 
up,  who  is  liable  to  have  his  act  regarded  as  a  theft, 
punishable  by  death.  The  Mosaic  law  (Lev.  6:  2-7) 
legislates  against  similar  offenses,  but  because  the 
individual  is  guilty,  he  shall  make  restitution  of 
that  which   he   has   fraudulently   obtained.      If   he 


Moses  and  Hammurabi  225 

have  sworn  falsely,  he  shall  even  restore  it  in  the 
principal,  and  shall  add  the  fifth  part  thereto,  be- 
sides making  a  trespass  offering,  when  "it  shall 
be  forgiven  him. " 

Law  number  8  reads:  "  If  a  man  has  stolen  ox, 
or  sheep,  or  ass,  or  pig,  or  goat,  if  from  a  god  (tem- 
ple), or  a  palace,  he  shall  pay  thirtyfold."  The 
Mosaic  law  (Exod.  22:1)  reads :  "  If  a  man  shall  steal 
an  ox,  or  a  sheep,  and  kill  it,  or  sell  it;  he  shall 
pay  five  oxen  for  an  ox,  and  four  sheep  for  a  sheep.  " 
Theft,  in  the  Hammurabi  Code,  is  more  severely 
dealt  with  than  in  the  Mosaic.  In  many  cases  it  is 
punishable  by  death.  Inability  to  pay  a  severe 
penalty  might  also  mean  death. 

Law  number  14  reads:  "  If  a  man  has  stolen  a 
child  of  another,  he  shall  be  put  to  death. "  The 
Mosaic  law  is  the  same  (Exod.  21:16).  "He  that 
stealeth  a  man,  and  selleth  him,  or  if  he  be  found  in 
his  hand,  he  shall  surely  be  put  to  death. " 

Law  number  21  reads:  "  If  a  man  has  broken  into 
a  house,  he  shall  be  killed  before  that  breach,  and 
they  shall  thrust  him  into  it."  Exodus  22:2-4 
reads:  "If  the  thief  be  found  breaking  in,  and  be 
smitten  so  that  he  dieth,  there  shall  be  no  blood- 
guiltiness  for  him.  If  the  sun  be  risen  upon  him, 
there  shall  be  bloodguiltiness  for  him;  he  shall 
make  restitution:  if  he  have  nothing,  then  he  shall 
be  sold  for  his  theft."  The  Mosaic  law  regards 
breaking  into  a  house  as  an  unpardonable  sin.  If 
in  the  act  he  escapes  with  his  life,  and  he  has  not 


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Moses  and  Hammurabi  227 

wherewith  to  make  restitution,  he  shall  be  sold  as 
a  slave. 

Law  number  57  requires  a  shepherd  who  has  not 
made  an  agreement  with  the  owner  of  a  field  to 
pasture  his  sheep  on  his  crop,  to  pay  to  the  owner 
of  the  field,  after  he  has  harvested  his  crop,  over 
and  above  his  crop,  twenty  giir  of  grain  for  each 
gan  of  land.  The  Mosaic  law  (Exod.  22:5)  requires 
the  shepherd  who  has  unlawfully  pastured  his  flock 
to  make  restitution  out  of  the  best  of  his  own. 

Law  number  117:  "If  a  man  owes  a  debt,  and  he 
has  given  his  wife,  his  son,  or  his  daughter  [as  hostage] 
for  the  money,  or  has  bound  them  over  to  render 
service,  for  three  years  they  shall  serve  in  the  house 
of  the  creditor;  but  in  the  fourth  year  he  shall  set 
them  free.  "  The  Mosaic  code  (Exod.  21:2)  says :  "  If 
thou  buy  a  Hebrew  servant,  six  years  he  shall  serve : 
and  in  the  seventh  he  shall  go  out  free  for  nothing. " 
Also  (Exod.  21:7):  "If  a  man  sell  his  daughter  to 
be  a  bondwoman,  she  shall  not  go  out  as  the 
men-servants  do. " 

Law  number  125  requires  a  man  who  has  received 
something  on  deposit,  which  has  been  lost  or  stolen, 
to  make  good  all  that  has  been  given  to  him.  The 
owner  of  the  house  shall  look  after  that  which  has 
been  lost,  and  recover  it  from  the  thief.  (See 
Exod.  22:7-9).  The  Mosaic  law  (Exod.  22:12)  re- 
quires that  in  case  an  animal  which  has  been  placed 
in  the  care  of  a  neighbor  for  safe-keeping  is 
stolen,   he   shall  make  restitution. 


228  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Law  number  129  enacts  that  those  caught  in  adul- 
tery be  bound  and  cast  into  the  water.  If  the  hus- 
band desired  to  save  his  wife,  or  the  king  his  servant, 
he  could  do  so.  The  Mosaic  code  (Lev.  20:10), 
reads:  "And  the  man  that  committeth  adultery 
with  another  man's  wife,  even  he  that  committeth 
adultery  with  his  neighbor's  wife,  the  adulterer 
and  the  adulteress  shall  surely  be  put  to  death." 

Law  number  155  enacts  that  a  man  who  has  been 
caught  in  adultery  with  his  daughter-in-law,  shall 
be  strangled,  and  cast  into  the  water.  Leviticus 
20:12  reads:  "  If  a  man  lie  with  his  daughter-in- 
law,  both  of  them  shall  surely  be  put  to  death :  they 
have  wrought  confusion;  their  blood  shall  be  upon 
them. " 

Law  number  157:  "If  a  man,  after  his  father's 
death,  has  lain  in  the  bosom  of  his  mother,  they 
shall  be  burnt,  both  of  them  together.  "  The  Mosaic 
provision  (Lev.  20:11),  reads:  "And  the  man  that 
lieth  with  his  father's  w4fe  hath  uncovered  his 
father's  nakedness:  both  of  them  shall  surely  be 
put  to  death;  their  blood  shall  be  upon  them." 

Law  number  195  :  "  If  a  son  strike  his  father,  they 
shall  cut  off  his  fingers."  Exodus  21:15,  reads: 
"And  he  that  smiteth  his  father,  or  his  mother, 
shall  surely  be  put  to  death. " 

Law  number  196  reads:  "If  a  man  has  destroyed 
the  eye  of  another,  they  shall  destroy  his  eye.  Law 
number  197  :  "If  one  has  broken  the  limb  of  another, 
they   shall   break   his   limb."      Law   number    200: 


Moses  and  Hammurabi  229 

"  If  a  man  has  knocked  out  the  tooth  of  a  man  who 
is  his  equal,  they  shall  knock  out  his  tooth. "  This 
ancient  system  of  the  talio,  as  mentioned  above,  is 
paralleled  in  Exodus  21:24,  25;  Leviticus  24:20; 
Deuteronomy  19:21;  Matthew  5:38,  etc. 

Law  number  199:  "  If  he  knocked  out  the  eye  of 
a  man's  servant,  or  broke  the  leg  of  a  man's  servant, 
he  shall  pay  one-half  his  value."  The  Mosaic  code 
(Exod.  2 1 :  26,  27)  requires  that  a  man  who  destroyed 
the  eye  of  his  servant  shall  let  him  or  her  go  free  for 
the  eye's  sake.    The  same  in  the  case  of  a  tooth. 

Law  number  206:  "If  a  man  has  struck  another 
in  a  quarrel,  and  wounded  him,  that  man  shall 
swear,  '  I  struck  him  without  intent, '  and  shall  be 
responsible  for  the  physician."  Exodus  21:18,  19 
reads:  "And  if  men  contend,  and  one  smite  the 
other  with  a  stone,  or  with  his  fist,  and  he  die  not, 
but  keep  his  bed ;  if  he  rise  again,  and  walk  abroad 
upon  his  staff,  then  shall  he  that  smote  him  be  quit : 
only  he  shall  pay  for  the  loss  of  his  time,  and  shall 
cause  him  to  be  thoroughly  healed."  Compare  also 
Exodus  21:12,  13. 

Law  number  209 :  "If  a  man  has  struck  the 
daughter  of  a  man,  and  has  caused  a  miscarriage, 
he  shall  pay  ten  shekels  for  her  miscarriage."  Law 
number  210:  "If  that  woman  die,  they  shall  kill 
his  daughter."  Exodus  21:22-25  reads:  "And  if 
men  strive  together,  and  hurt  a  woman  with  child, 
so  that  her  fruit  depart,  and  yet  no  harm  follow;  he 
shall   be   surely   fined,    according   as   the   woman's 


230  Lisrht  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


husband  shall  lay  upon  him ;  and  he  shall  pay  as  the 
judges  determine.  But  if  any  harm  follow,  then 
thou  shalt  give  life  for  life." 

Law  number  245  :  "  If  a  man  has  hired  an  ox,  and 
has  caused  his  death  through  carelessness,  or  abuse, 
he  shall  restore  ox  for  ox,  to  the  owner  of  the  ox." 
The  Mosaic  law  (Exod.  22:14,  15)  provides:  "And  if 
a  man  borrow  aught  of  his  neighbor,  and  it  be  hurt, 
or  die,  the  ow^ner  thereof  not  being  with  it,  he  shall 
surely  make  restitution.  If  the  owner  thereof  be 
with  it,  he  shall, not  make  it  good:  if  it  be  a  hired 
thing,  it  came  for  its  hire. " 

Law"  number  250:  "If  the  bull  has  gone  wild, 
and  in  his  path  has  gored  a  man  and  caused  his 
death,  that  case  shall  have  no  penalty."  Exodus 
21:  28  reads:  "  And  if  an  ox  gore  a  man  or  a  woman 
to  death,  the  ox  shall  be  surely  stoned,  and  his 
flesh  shall  not  be  eaten;  but  the  owner  of  the  ox 
shall  be  quit. " 

Law  number  251:  "If  a  man's  ox  was  wont  to 
gore,  and  its  habit  as  a  gorer  they  made  known  to 
him,  and  he  has  not  blunted  its  horns,  or  penned  up 
the  ox,  and  then  the  ox  has  gored  the  son  of  a  man, 
and  has  caused  his  death,  the  owner  shall  pay  half 
a  mina  of  silver."  Law  number  252:  "If  it  be  a 
slave  that  has  been  killed,  he  shall  pay  one-third  of 
a  mina  of  silver."  Exodus  21:29  reads:  "But  if 
the  ox  was  wont  to  gore  in  time  past,  and  it  hath 
been  testified  to  its  owner,  and  he  hath  not  kept  it  in, 
but  it  hath  killed  a  man  or  a  woman;  the  ox  shall 


Moses  and  Hammurabi  231 

be  stoned,  and  its  owner  also  shall  be  put  to  death.  " 
Exodus  21:32:  "If  the  ox  gore  a  man-servant  or 
a  maid-servant,  there  shall  be  given  unto  their 
master  thirty  shekels  of  silver,  and  the  ox  shall  be 
stoned. " 

There  are  other  laws  among  the  two  hundred 
and  eighty-two  of  the  Babylonian  code  which  are 
paralleled  by  laws  of  the  Mosaic  period,  but  these 
appear  to  be  the  most  striking  and  noteworthy. 

Not  a  few  scholars,  in  discussing  the  question  of 
the  dependence  of  the  Israeli  tic  code  upon  the 
Babylonian,  seem  to  think  that  the  Hebrew  code  is 
indebted  to  the  older.  Some  see  similarity  in  the 
phraseology,  besides  in  the  thought  embodied  in  the 
code.  Others  maintain  that  the  origin  of  both  is  to 
be  found  in  Arabia,  either  because  they  hold  that 
the  original  home  of  the  Semites  is  to  be  found  in 
that  land,  or  because  of  the  influence  of  Jethro 
the  Kenite  father-in-law  of  Moses  (see  Exodus 
18:14-27) ;  and  the  fact  that  it  is  probable  that  the 
kings  of  the  Hammurabi  dynasty  were  Arabian. 

If  the  laws  which  have  been  pointed  out  as  being 
similar  are  carefully  considered  from  a  common- 
sense  point  of  view  in  connection  with  the  entire 
code,  the  only  conclusion  that  can  be  reached  is 
that  the  similarity  of  those  laws  must  be  ascribed 
to  similar  conditions  which  would  give  rise  to  them  no 
matter  how  far  the  one  people  was  removed  from 
the  influence  of  the  other,  except  as  indicated 
before,   those  laws   which    were   influenced  by   the 


232  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

barbarous  law  of  retaliation  or  Oriental  law  in 
general.  To  give  a  single  illustration:  when  an 
African  or  a  North  American  Indian  owns  a 
vicious  animal  and  knows  its  habits,  and  does  not 
restrain  it  from  doing  violence,  the  only  penalty 
thought  of  is  that  he  shall  be  accounted  respon- 
sible for  any  damages  done.  Where  slavery  exists, 
or  where  one  may  become  enslaved  for  a  debt, 
similar  laws  may  be  expected.  The  same  is  true 
of  the  laws  of  chastity  and  of  the  family,  or 
the  relations  of  one  member  of  a  family  to 
another.  Such  to  a  great  extent  are  not  confined 
to  civilized  peoples.  Moreover,  similar  customs 
will  give  rise  to  similar  laws,  as  human  nature 
is  the  same  everywhere. 

The  phraseological  and  philological  arguments 
that  have  been  advanced  seem  to  have  less  in  them. 
Also,  we  have  no  evidence  from  the  Old  Testament 
that  Jethro  taught  Moses  a  single  precept.  His  ad- 
vice as  regards  the  administering  of  law  cannot  be 
construed  as  such.  That  Arabia  is  the  original 
seat  of  the  Semites,  or  that  it  is  the  home  of  the 
kings  of  the  first  dynasty  of  Babylon,  are  theories 
held  by  some,  for  which  there  is  no  proof.  In  short, 
dependence  upon  the  Babylonian  code,  or  even  a 
common  origin  for  both,  cannot  be  proved  at  the 
present,  and  from  the  light  at  hand  it  does  not 
seem  plausible. 

Between  the  Mosaic  and  the  Hammurabi  codes 
there  is  an  exceedingly  wide  gulf.     If  for  no  other 


Moses  and  Hammurabi  233 

reason,  the  responsibility  of  the  individual  for  his 
own  deeds,  whereby  the  son  is  not  punished  for  his 
father's  deeds,  or  the  father  for  the  son's,  gives 
superiority  to  the  Hebrew  code.  There  are  some 
humanitarian  considerations  in  the  Babylonian,  as 
for  instance  the  provisions  for  an  invalid  wife,  or 
an  enraged  father  who  wishes  to  disinherit  a  son; 
but  if  the  codes,  even  from  this  point  of  view,  were 
compared,  it  will  be  found  that  the  Mosaic  is  not 
wanting. 

The  Hebrew  also  in  almost  every  respect  relig- 
iously and  ethically  is  far  superior  to  the  Baby- 
lonian. The  gods  are  prominently  mentioned  in 
the  prologue  and  epilogue  of  the  latter,  but  play 
no  role  in  the  code  itself.  Pure  and  simple  external 
conformity  to  the  law  is  all  that  is  required.  Inas- 
much as  Hammurabi  is  known  to  have  been  relig- 
iously inclined,  it  may  be  unfair  to  judge  the  code 
from  this  point  of  view;  as  it  deals  with  civil  law, 
and  he  may  have  intentionally  omitted  the  religious 
element.  There  is  not,  however,  even  a  semblance 
of  a  law  in  the  Babylonian  against  covetousness 
and  selfishness. 

The  fundamental  principle  of  the  Israelitish  com- 
mand: "Be  ye  holy,  for  I  am  holy,"  on  the  other 
hand  has  an  inward  emphasis  which  makes  its 
impress  upon  all  actions.  "Thou  shalt  love  thy 
neighbor  as  thyself,"  as  well  as  purification  and 
devotion  to  God,  is  the  keynote  of  the  Mosaic  law. 
It  was  God's  commandment  that  the  Israelite  was 


234  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

required  to  obey.  Cursed  was  he  that  fulfiUed  not 
the  words  of  the  law  to  do  them.  This  especially 
was  the  spirit  of  the  prophets.  This  is  totally 
foreign  to  the  Babylonian  code. 


X 

THE  NAME  JAHWEH  IN  CUNEIFORM 
LITERATURE 

A  question  which  has  aroused  considerable  in- 
terest, by  reason  of  its  discussion  in  the  Bibel 
und  Babel  Hterature,  is  whether  it  shall  be  acknowl- 
edged that  certain  scholars  are  right  when  they 
insist  that  the  two  names  Ja-a'-ve-ilu  and  Ja-ve-iln 
contain  the  name  Jahweh,  and  that  these  names, 
which  are  nearly  a  thousand  years  older  than  cor- 
responding names  in  the  Old  Testament,  attest 
the  worship  of  a  single  god  Jahu  (meaning  Jahweh) ; 
or  as  stated  by  another  scholar:  "both  composita 
contain  the  name  of  the  god  Yaveh,  Yahu/'  Others 
are  inclined  to  regard  the  view  as  "  not  improbable,  " 
and  further  state  that  names  meaning  ''Jahu  is 
God,"  do  not  play  such  an  important  part  in  the 
question  as  one  would  like  to  assign  to  them;  but, 
on  the  contrary,  their  early  existence,  even  from 
the  bibhcal  point  of  view  is  expected. 

If  this  hypothesis  obtained,  a  number  of  impor- 
tant problems  would  be  solved,  and  we  should  be 
compelled  to  readjust  our  understanding  of  a  num- 
ber of  passages  in  the  Old  Testament.  But  while 
it  has  been  made  by  noted  scientists  with  the  great- 

235 


236  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


fc> 


est  assurance,  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  to  weigh 
carefully  their  conclusions,  especially  as  a  general 
acceptance    has  not  been  accorded  them. 

The  two  names  that  play  the  important  role  in 
the  question  are  on  tablets  in  the  British  Museum, 
belonging  to  the  contract  literature  of  the  so-called 
Hammurabi  dynasty.  Professor  Sayce,  of  Oxford, 
was  the  first  to  call  attention  to  them.  They  are: 
Ja-w{p)i-ilii  and  Ja-ah(?)-w(p)i-ilH.  It  should  be 
said  that  there  is  considerable  uncertainty  as  re- 
gards the  character  ah,  or  what  is  known  as  the 
"breathing"  in  the  second  name.  However,  grant- 
ing that  it  is  read  correctly  and  treating  it  in  con- 
nection with  the  first  name,  it  would  probably  be 
read:  Jawi-ilu  or  Ja'pi-ilu.  Besides  the  interpre- 
tation mentioned,  namely,  "Jahweh  is  God,"  vari- 
ous other  interpretations  have  been  offered,  as  for 
example:  Jahpe-el,  "God  covers,"  or  "God  pro- 
tects;" Jahweh-el,  "God  exists,"  Jahve-ilu,  "God 
gives, "  etc. 

The  interpretation,  "Jahweh  is  God,  "  means  that 
the  unabbreviated  form  of  Jahweh  is  used  in  this 
name.  In  fact,  there  is  not  a  single  instance  in  the 
Hebrew  literature,  early  or  late,  where  the  name 
of  Jahweh  is  found  in  its  full  form,  when  compounded 
with  other  elements  in  personal  names.  Why  should 
we  not  expect  to  find  the  same  contracted  form, 
namely,  Jcho  or  Jo,  when  it  is  the  first  element,  as 
is  the  case  in  every  instance  in  the  hundreds  of 
names,   of  those  preserved  in   the   Old   Testament 


Jahweh  in  Cuneiform  Literature         237 

which  contain  the  divine  elements?  In  Assyrian, 
the  scribe  wrote  Jau,  doubtless  reproducing  what 
he  heard;  for  example,  he  wrote  Ja-u-h,a-zi,  for 
Joahaz  or  Ahaz.  In  Neo- Babylonia,  the  scribe  in 
writing  these  names  wrote  Jdhu,  (or  Jdho),  which 
is  a  very  close  reproduction  of  the  Hebrew  (see 
below).  If,  then,  in  the  Hebrew,  the  Assyrian,  and 
the  Neo-Babylonian  literature,  we  always  find  the 
name  of  Jahweh  in  the  contracted  form  when  com- 
pounded with  other  elements,  can  much  reliance  be 
placed  in  the  above  understanding  of  this  isolated 
name,  which  is  very  probably  to  be  interpreted 
quite  differently?  A  more  reasonable  disposition  of 
the  element  is  to  regard  it  as  a  verbal  form,  and  to 
consider  the  name  in  connection  with  the  many  other 
West  Semitic  names  having  a  similar  formation, 
which  are  found  in  the  tablets  of  the  same  period, 
as,  Jadah-iht,  "God  knows;"  Jarbi-ilit,  "God  heals," 
J aqar-ilu/' God  is  precious ;"  Jahzar-iln, ''God  helps," 
Jamlik-ilu,  "God  reigns,"  etc.  Jawi-iln  or  Jawi- 
ilu  would  mean:  "God  exists;"  or  "God  lives," 
or  "  God  has  spoken.  "  Or,  if  the  second  of  the  two 
names  is  to  be  read  Jahpi-ilii,  it  could  be  translated, 
"God  protects,"  etc. 

The  name  la-u-um-ilu^  is  also  oft'ered  to  prove 
the  existence  of  the  name  of  Jahweh  in  the  Baby- 


'  For  the  lay  reader  it  might  be  mentioned  that  the  name 
can  be  understood  as  standing  for  laii-ilii,  as  the  first  element 
contains  the  mimmation  that  was  characteristic  of  the  early 
period. 


238  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Ionian  literature  of  the  early  period;  although  it  is 
regarded  as  of  secondary  importance  by  some  of  the 
writers,  as  they  say  it  presupposes  the  fuller  form, 
Ja'we-ilii.  Inasmuch  as  the  Assyrians  reproduced 
the  divine  element  in  its  contracted  form  as  Jaii, 
and  the  name  in  question  is  similar  in  form  to  Joel, 
which  many  scholars  interpret  as  having  the  same 
meaning,  it  is  really  of  greater  importance  than  the 
so-called  "  fuller  form.  "  It  should  be  said  here  that 
while  the  later  Hebrew  perhaps  considered  this 
the  proper  interpretation  of  the  name  Joel,  some  of 
the  best  authorities  think  that  its  original  signifi- 
cance was  otherwise. 

Without  taking  into  consideration  the  many 
theories  concerning  the  origin  of  the  divine  name 
w^hich  have  been  propounded,  the  introduction  of 
Jahweh  as  the  divine  name  for  Israel,  according  to 
the  Old  Testament,  was  in  the  time  of  Moses.  In 
this  discussion  we  are  concerned  only  with  those 
occurrences  in  extra-biblical  literature  that  would 
seem  to  imply  the  existence  of  the  name  in  the  time 
prior  to  Moses.  Eliminating  the  two  so-called 
"fuller  forms,"  the  only  name^  that  can  possibly 
have  the  abbreviated  form  of  Jahweh  as  an  element 
is  the  one  in  question   (namely,  la-n-um-ihi),  and 


^The  reading  of  the  name  Jama-arakh,  cited  in  The  Ex- 
pository Times,  Vol.  XV.,  1904  p.  560,  can  scarcely  be  taken 
into  consideration,  owing  to  its  being  so  poorly  preserved. 
Dr.  Ranke,  Personal  Names  p.  113  reads:  Ja-ina  {?)-e  {?)-ra-akh 
"Jama  (?)  is  the  moon  (?)" 


Jahweh  in    Cuneiform  Literature       239 

the  only  name  of  the  Old  Testament  is  Moses'  mother, 
Jochebed. 

It  must  be  conceded  that  the  single  name  Iau{ni)- 
ilu,  i.e.,  "lau  is  god,"  is  difficult  to  explain  if  it  is 
not  conceded  that  the  name  Jahweh  existed  as 
early  as  the  Hammurabi  period.  As  mentioned 
above,  it  is  exactly  the  form  in  which  the  abbrevi- 
ated element  of  Hebrew  names  appears  in  the  cunei- 
form inscription.  Similar  names,  even  though  it 
can  be  proved  that  Joel  is  to  be  explained  other- 
wise, and  that  there  is  no  other  name  parallel  in 
meaning  in  the  Hebrew  literature,  were  common 
in  that  age,  for  example:  Bel-ilu,  "Bel  is  god," 
Marduk-ilu,  "  Marduk  is  god,  "  Shamash-ilu,  "  Sham- 
ash  is  god, "  etc. 

In  this  connection  I  desire  to  call  attention  to  sev- 
eral names  which  I  recently  found  on  tablets  from 
Nippur  belonging  to  the  second  or  third  century 
after  Moses.  They  are^  Ja-u-ba-ni,  Ja-u-a,  Ja-a-u, 
Ja-ai-u,  and  the  feminine  name  Ja-a-u-tum.  Jau- 
hdni  means  "Jau  is  creator,"  and  taken  in  consid- 
eration with  many  similar  names,  which  are  com- 
pounded with  hdni,  as  Ilu-bani,  Shamash-bani  Jau 
must  be  regarded  as  a  god.  As  was  mentioned 
above,  in  the  later  period,  the  name  of  Jahweh  as 
the  first  element  of  Hebrew  names  in  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions    is    written    exactly  the    same,  namely 


^See    Documents    from    the    Temple    Archives    of    Nippur, 
B.E.  Vol.  XV. 


240  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Jail.  Further,  it  will  be  noticed  that  Ja-u-a  is  ex- 
actly the  writing  of  the  biblical  name  Jehu,  which 
is  found  upon  the  black  obelisk  of  Shalmaneser  (see 
page   320  f). 

Names  compounded  with  the  contracted  form  of 
the  tetragrammaton  grew  in  popularity  in  the  later 
centuries  of  Hebrew  history.  The  number  of  those 
with  El  decreased,  while  those  with  Jahweh  steadily 
increased,  until  the  latest  period  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment literature.  The  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah 
having  come  into  contact  with  Assyrian  and  Baby- 
lonian rulers,  we  should  naturally  expect  to  find 
among  the  archives  of  the  latter  reference  to  the 
former,  some  of  which  had  names  compounded 
with  Jahweh.  As  Israel  and  Judah  were  carried 
into  captivity,  we  should  also  naturally  expect  to 
find  in  the  land  of  their  servility  some  reference  to 
the  people  themselves  in  the  business  affairs  of  the 
people.  In  what  is  known  as  the  contract  literature 
of  Assyria  and  Neo-Babylonia,  Hebrew  names  are 
frequently  met,  especially  in  the  periods  corre- 
sponding to  the  times  when  the  Hebrews  were  held 
in  bondage,  and  afterwards.  The  latter  fact  is  due 
to  many  having  remained  for  generations  in  those 
lands.  It  is  singular,  however,  that  the  number 
of  Hebrew  names  compounded  with  Jahweh,  in  the 
known  Assyrian  literature,  is  exceedingly  small. 
They  are  confined,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  to  a 
few  names  of  kings.  This  may  be  due  to  the  fact 
that  excavations  have  not  as  yet  been  conducted 


Jail  well  in  Cuneiform  Literature        241 

in  those  parts  which  were  populated  especially  by 
the  Hebrews;  or  because  names  compounded  with 
Jahweh  were  not  as  popular  in  the  northern  as  in 
the  southern  kingdom.  In  the  Neo- Babylonian  con- 
tract literature,  especially  in  the  period  of  Nehe- 
miah  and  Ezra,  Hebrew  names  abound  in  the  tablets 
discovered  at  Nippur  (see  last  chapter).  At  the 
present  we  are  concerned  especially  with  the  form 
in  which  names  compounded  with  Jahweh  appear. 

In  Assyria,  as  stated  before,  when  it  is  the  first 
element,  it  is  written /aw,  e.g.,  Ja-u-Jta-zi  (Joahaz  or 
Ahaz)  Ja-u-bi--di ;  and  when  it  is  the  final  element 
it  is  written  Jau  or  Ja^i,  e.g  ,  Ha-zi-qi-Ja-u,^  Ha-za- 
qi-Ja-a-ii  Ha-za-qi-a-u  (Hezekiah) ;  Iz-ri-Ja-u,  Az- 
ri-Ja-a-u,  Az-ri-a-ii  (Azariah) ;  N a-ad-bi- J a-a-u ;  a.nd 
to  this  brief  list  must  be  added  the  name  found 
two  years  ago  on  a  tablet  discovered  in  Palestine  at 
Gezer,  namely,  Na-tan-Ja-u   (Nethaniah). 

Many  interesting  Hebrew  names  have  been  found 
in  the  contract  literature  of  the  Neo-Babylonian 
period,  belonging  especially  to  the  time  after  the 
children  of  Judah  had  been  carried  into  captivity. 
In  studying  the  Murashti  business  documents, 
dated  about  the  time  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  (see 
Chap.  XV),  the  writer  had  the  delightful  experience 
of  recognizing  the  first  know^n  Hebrew  names  in  the 
Babylonian  literature,  with  Jahweh  as  the  first  ele- 
ment. The  element  is  here  written  Jd}iu;  for  example, 


^  These  names  we  usually  transliterate  Ha-zi-qi-ia-ti. 

i6 


242  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Ja-Jiu-u-na-ta-nu  (Jonathan),  Ja-a-}],n-ii-la-ki-im, 
Ja-a-Jtu-lu-nu.  The  it,  as  the  writer  has  pointed  out 
elsewhere,^  is  to  be  read  o,  there  being  no  other  way 
to  represent  that  vowel  in  the  cuneiform  script. 

Hebrew  names  in  the  Neo-Babylonian  Uterature 
with  Jahweh  as  the  final  element  are  numerous, 
especially  in  the  Murashu  archives.  It  is  written 
Ja-a-ma,  w^hich  would  be  equivalent  in  pronuncia- 
tion to  Jdwa  in  Hebrew.  This  was  recognized 
some  years  ago  as  the  divine  element  by  Doctors 
Sayce,  Pinches,  Hommel,  and  others.  As  the  iden- 
tification was  questioned  by  a  few  scholars,  in  pub- 
lishing many  additional  examples  of  names  from 
the  Murashu  texts  the  writer  set  forth  his  views, 
being  convinced  of  the  correctness  of  the  theory. 
This  elicited  opposition;  and  a  theory  which  was 
published  some  years  ago  when  only  a  few  exam- 
ples of  names  ending  in  Jama  were  known,  was  re- 
vived. It  was  claimed^  that  " idma  at  the  end  of 
West-Semitic  names  like  A}ii-ia-a-ma,  is  nothing 
but  the  Hebrew  jam,  which  in  all  probability  is  a 
'  Weiterbildung '  of  jah  or  ja  by  adding  an  emphatic 
m  or  ma.  For,  compare  Hebrew  Ahijjam  (Kings) 
alongside  of  Abijjah  (Chronicles),  a  name  borne  by 
the  same  person. "  When  this  theory  was  originally 
propounded,^  some  ten  years  ago,  other  examples 

^  Business  Documents  of  the  Murashii  Sons,  Bab.  Exp. 
U.  of  Pa.     Vol.  X,  p.  19. 

^  Hilprecht,  Editorial  Preface,  ibidem,  p.  xv. 
^Jastrow,  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  p.  114  flf. 


Jaliweh  in  Cuneiform  Literature        243 

were  offered  to  substantiate  it,  but  these  have  been 
wisely  omitted.  It  might  be  added  that  the  author 
has  since  abandoned  it,  owing  to  the  large  number 
of  examples  found  in  the  Murashu  texts,  but  as  it 
has  been  revived  by  the  other  scholar  to  combat  the 
writer's  position,  and  especially  as  Ahijjam  is  the 
only  example  in  the  Hebrew  literature  which  can  be 
quoted  to  illustrate  the  theory, the  following  is  offered. 
Theophorous  names  in  Hebrew  are  usually  com- 
pounded with  either  El  or  Jahweh.  The  formations 
commonly  found  are:  deity  +  verb  or  substantive, 
e.g.,  El-nathan  (Elnathan)  Jaho-nathan  (Jonathan); 
or,  verb  or  substantive  +  deity,  e.g.,  Nathan-El 
(Nathaniel)  or  Nathan- J ahfi  (Nathaniah).  Among 
the  Hebrew  personal  names  found  on  the  cuneiform 
tablets  of  the  late  period,  both  formations  com- 
pounded with  El  are  well  represented.  Of  the  for- 
mations with  Jahweh,  those  having  the  deity  as  the 
first  element,  as  mentioned  above,  are  also  recognized, 
as,  for  example,  Jdhfi-natanii.  If,  therefore,  three 
of  the  four  theophorous  formations  are  represented 
by  many  examples,  why  should  we  not  expect  to 
find  the  other  very  common  Hebrew^  formation  also 
represented?  I  say  common  or  popular  formation 
because  Hebrew  persons,  bearing  names  compounded 
with  Jahweh,  and  mentioned  only  in  the  Book  of 
Chronicles  according  to  Gray'  number,  when  it  is 
the  first  element,  twenty-seven;  but  when  it  is  the 

^Hebrew  Proper  Names,  p.  162. 


244  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

final  element,  one  hundred  and  seventy;  while  those 
compounded  with  El  as  the  first  and  final  element 
together  number  fifty. 

The  names  having  the  element  Jama  which  I 
have  been  able  to  gather  from  the  Murashu  and 
other  published  texts  of  the  Neo  -  Babylonian 
period  follow: 

A-bi-Ja-a-ma    Abaiah 

Akhi-Ja-a-ma^ Ahijah 

A-qa-hi-Ja-a-ma Akabiah 

Az-zi-Ja-a-ma Azziah 

Ba-li-Ja-a-ma     Bealiah 

Ba-na-Ja-a-ma Benaiah 

Ba-rik-ki-Ja-a-ma Bereikiah 

Ga-da-al-Ja-a-ma Gedaliah 

Ga-mar-Ja-a-ma     Gemariah 

Kha-na-nu-Ja-a-ma Hananiah 

Khii-ul-Ja-a-ma Htiliah 

Ja-a-da-akh-Ja-a-ina Jedaiah 

Ja-shc-'-Ja-a-ma Jeshaiah  or  Isaiah 

Ig-da-al-Ja-a-ina Igdaliah 

Ish-ri-bi-Ja-a-ma Compare  Sherebiah 

Ma-tan-ni-  J  a-a-nia Mattaniah 

Ma-la-ki-Ja-a-ma    Malchiah 

Na-ta-nu-Ja-a-nta     Nethaniah 

Ni-ri-Ja-a-ma Neriah 

Pa-da-a-Ja-a-ma Pedaiah 

Pi-il-ln-Ja-a-ma     Pelaiah 

Ti-ri-Ja-a-ma Tiria 

Tu-nb-Ja-a-nia Tobiyah 

Shu-bu-nu-Ja-a-ma     Shebaniah 

Za-bad-Ja-a-ma    Zabadiah 

'Compare  also  the  interesting  name  Akhi-Ja-mi,  from  a 
letter  found  at  Ta'annek  which  has  been  recently  published 
by  Hronzy,  Denkscliriftcn  dcr  Kaiscrlichen  Akadcmic,  Band  L. 


Jahweli  in  Cuneiform  Literature        245 

The  examples  show  that  no  less  than  twenty-five 
names  are  found  which  have  as  the  first  element  a 
word  that  has  its  exact  equivalent  or  parallel  in 
the  Bible,  which  is  followed  by  Jama  or  Jdwa. 
Moreover,  all  occur  in  the  Old  Testament  in  connec- 
tion with  Hebrew  persons  or  families.'  Exact  paral- 
lels for  twenty-three  of  the  twenty-five  names  are 
found  in  Hebrew,  if  Jama  (=  Jdwa)  is  regarded  as 
equivalent  to  the  abbreviated  form  of  Jahweh  of  the 
Hebrew  text.  The  remaining  tw^o,  Aqabi-Jdma 
and  Ishriba-Jdma,  are  not  found  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, but  the  former  Aqabiah  is  found  in  Talmudic 
literature,  and  the  latter  is  found  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, in  the  present  instead  of  the  imperfect,  viz., 
Sherebiah  (Neh.  8:7).  If,  therefore,  the  names  hav- 
ing Jdma  ('^  Jdwa),  all  of  which  are  West  Semitic, 
do  not  represent  Hebrew  names,  having  the  apoco- 
pated form  of  Jahweh,  then  there  are  no  Hebrew 
names,  except  perhaps  the  questionable  variant 
Abijjam  of  Abijjah,  with  which  to  compare  these 
twenty-five ;  every  one  of  which  has  a  biblical  word 
as  the  first  element.  And  on  the  other  hand,  if  they 
cannot  be  so  regarded,  then  three  of  the  four  com- 
mon Hebrew  theophorous  formations  are  frequently 
found  in  the  cuneiform  literature  of  this  period ;  but 
we  look  in  vain  for  the  fourth,  whose  frequency  of 
occurrence,  in  Chronicles  alone,  in  comparison  with 
other  formations,   is  nearly  seven  to  one.     Jdma, 

'Gray,  Hebrew   Proper  Names,  p.  158. 


246  Lio-lit  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


therefore,  unquestionably  represents  the  Hebrew 
form  of  the  divine  name  Jahweh  at  the  end  of  per- 
sonal names  in  the  cuneiform  inscriptions. 

In  the  Hebrew,  the  element  appears  at  the  begin- 
ning Jdho,  or  shortened  into  Jo;  and  at  the  end 
Jdhii,  or  shortened  into  J  ah.  The  Assyrian  scribe, 
as  already  referred  to,  wrote  Jau  when  the  divine 
element  was  the  first  as  well  as  the  second.  The 
Babylonian  wrote :  Jdhii  (=  Jdho)  as  the  first  ele- 
ment, and  Jama  (=  Jdwa)  as  the  final.  Can  the 
Assyrian  and  Babylonian  be  reconciled  with  the 
Hebrew,  and  do  these  writings  throw  any  light  upon 
the  actual  pronunciation  of  the  names?  The  Baby- 
lonian Jdho  can  be  regarded  as  a  satisfactory  repro- 
duction of  Jdho.  The  Assyrian  Jau  can  also  be 
read  Jao,  because  in  their  orthography  they  did  not 
distinguish  between  the  it  and  o  vowels.  There  is 
no  philological  difficulty  in  regarding  the  Assyrian 
equivalent  to  the  Hebrew  Jdho  because  of  the  syn- 
copation of  the  Hebrew  letter  He,  which  is  in  accord- 
ance with  a  common  phonetic  law.  The  abbreviated 
form  Jo,  and  the  transliteration  of  the  Septuagint 
which  makes  it  the  same,  viz.,  Vw,  would  indicate 
that   h   was   scarcely   heard. 

The  final  element  is  not  so  easily  disposed  of.  The 
Assyrian  Jau  may  be  a  satisfactory  reproduction 
of  Jdhu,  but  what  shall  be  done  with  the  Babylonian 
Jdwa.  The  form  Jdhu  in  Hebrew  must  be  explained 
as  coming  from  Jahw,  which  according  to  phonetic 
laws  passes  regularly  into  Jdhu.     The   Massorites 


Jahweli  in  Cuneiform  Literature        247 

vocalized  the  characters  and  read  Jdhu.  The  u  of 
the  Assyrian  J  an  may  have  been  sounded  Hke  the 
semi- vowel  w;  to  cite  a  single  example,  compare  the 
Hebrew  writing  of  Nineveh, z'.^.  Nmewe,Wi\h  Ninua 
of  the  cuneiform  inscriptions;  in  which  case  the 
Babylonian  Jdw{a)  (written  Jama)  would  be  equiva- 
lent. This  would  require  the  assumption  that  the 
final  vowel  in  the  Hebrew  w'as  apocopated,  and 
the  form  remained  unaltered,  e.g.,  Jahw.  If  this 
were  true,  the  final  vowel  of  J  aw  (a)  in  Baby- 
lonian was  not  pronounced,  which  is  well  known  to 
have  been  frequently  the  case.  If  this  explanation 
is  correct,  then  the  name  Ahi-Ja-mi,  found  on  the 
Ta'annek  tablet,  which  is  mentioned  on  page  244, 
is  especially  interesting. 

The  writing  Jdwa  is  strikingly  similar  to  the  tradi- 
tional pronunciation  of  the  Samaritans  as  preserved 
by  Theodoret,  i.e.  'la^t  or  7a/5a:,  for  the  divine 
name,  as  well  as  Yahwa  or  Yahwe,  written  in  Arabic 
characters  in  a  letter  to  de  Sacy,  to  which  Professor 
Montgomery  recently  called  attention.'  This  makes 
another  explanation  quite  reasonable,  namely,  that 
Jdwa  represents  the  exact  and  full  pronunciation 
of  the  divine  name  as  it  was  heard  by  the  Baby- 
lonians. This  has  been  previously  suggested  by 
others,  but  no  attempt  was  made  to  explain  why 
the  full  form  was  used  and  not  the  shortened.  The 
theory  I  suggest  is  that  the  Babylonian  scribe,  rec- 

'  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature,  Vol.  XXV.,  1906,  p.  50. 


248  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

ognizing  the  element  as  being  the  Hebrew  God 
Jahweh,  arbitrarily  decided  to  write  it,  when  it 
was  final  in  these  West-Semitic  names,  always  in 
accordance  with  the  way  they  heard  the  full  name 
pronounced.  The  fact  is,  in  the  Murashu  archives, 
names  compounded  with  Jdwa  occur  more  frequently 
than  the  Babylonian  names  that  are  compounded 
with  some  of  their  own  prominent  deities  as:  Addu, 
Ban,  Ea,  etc.  The  names  of  their  gods  are  usually 
written  with  an  ideogram.  In  their  guilds  or  schools, 
the  scribe  was  taught  to  write  Babylonian  names, 
not  phonetically  as  they  were  pronounced  in  every- 
day life,  but  according  to  fixed  rules.  The  name  of 
the  Babylonian  ruler,  so  often  mentioned  in  the  Old 
Testament,  was  not  pronounced  N a-bi-um-ku-du- 
ur-ri-u-su-ur,  nor  Nabil-kudurri-usur,  as  it  was 
written;  but  something  like  Nebuchadrezzar.  It 
was  necessary  for  the  scribe  to  learn  to  analyze  all 
Babylonian  names,  according  to  their  elements. 
It  is,  therefore,  quite  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
scribe  learned  in  the  schools  to  write  this  element 
Ja-a-ma  {-^Jdwa),  not  as  he  heard  the  name 
pronounced,  as  they  ordinarily  wrote  foreign 
names,  but  in  these  names,  having  this  well  known 
ending,  according  to  the  rule  the  master  of  cunei- 
form orthography  taught.  It  is  a  singular  thing  that 
the  element  in  every  case  known  to  me  in  tablets 
from  Babylonia,  is  written  Ja-a-ma.  Inasmuch  as 
the  Israelites  had  become  so  numerous  that  Jahweh 
occurred  more  frequently  than  some  of  their  own 


Jaliweh  in  Cuneiform  Literature        249 

deities  in  personal  names,  the  supposition  seems 
at  least  plausible. 

Hebrew  names  with  the  divine  element  as  initial, 
are  more  rare  in  the  Babylonian  literature,  as  they 
are  in  the  Old  Testament;  for  which  reason  a 
similar  treatment  would  not  be  found  necessarily 
expedient ;  although  the  scribes  did  recognize  Jdjtd 
as  a  deity,  because  in  some  cases  they  used  the 
determinative  ilu,  "god,"  before  the  element. 
Furthermore,  the  scribe  of  the  late  period  repre- 
sented the  Hebrew  He  by  ^  which  was  not  done 
in  the  names  from  Assyria.  As  mentioned  before, 
the  consonant  was  scarcely  heard .  Perhaps ,  however, 
we  have  also  in  Jafto  a  writing  adopted  by  the 
guild    of  scribes. 

An  interesting  example  of  a  similar  practice  is 
to  be  found  in  the  writing  of  the  plural  sign  after 
the  character  for  god  in  Hebrew  names  that  are 
compounded  with  El,  which  are  found  in  the  con- 
tract literature  also  of  this  period.  The  Babylonian 
word  for  god  is  ilu.  The  Hebrew  shortened  form  in 
names  was  El,  although  in  its  full  form  it  is  Elohim. 
The  Babylonian  scribe,  having  recognized  the  dif- 
ference between  the  pronunciation  of  the  Hebrew 
El  and  their  ilu,  may  have  desired  to  represent  it. 
The  scribes  doubtless  knew  that  the  Hebrew  word 
for  god,  Elohim  was  plural.  As  Hebrew  names  com- 
pounded with  El  were  also  exceedingly  numerous 
in  this  period,  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose 
that  in  their  schools,  in  their  efforts  to  distinguish 


250  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

between  the  Hebrew  and  Babylonian  word  for  god, 
and  also  in  order  to  avoid  using  the  sign  meaning 
ilu  for  the  Hebrew  El,  as  had  formerly  been  done, 
they  added  the  plural  sign/  This  combination 
carried  with  it  the  idea  of  plurality,  which  was  so 
expressive  of  the  Hebrew  word  for  god. 

'  Professor  Barton  came  to  similar  conclusions  in  his 
discussion  of  the  Palestinian  names  written  with  ilu  and  the 
plural  sign,  which  occur  in  the  Amarna  tablets.  See  American 
Oriental  Society's  Proceedings,  April,  1892,  p.  CXCVI. 


XI 

THE   AMARNA   LETTERS 

No  discovery  in  recent  years  has  had  a  greater 
bearing  upon  questions  of  historical  criticism, 
or  has  thrown  so  much  welcome  light  upon  Palestine, 
as  the  find  of  over  three  hundred  inscribed  clay 
tablets  in  Egypt.  They  were  discovered  in  1887, 
about  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  south  of  Cairo, 
at  a  site  known  as  Tel  el-Amarna.  It  was  at  this 
place  that  Amenophis  IV  in  the  fifteenth  century 
B.  C.  had  estabhshed  the  capital  of  Egypt.  In 
digging  for  marl  one  of  the  fellahin  came  upon  a 
crumbling  wooden  chest  which  contained  the  tab- 
lets. Some  w^ere  in  a  very  fragmentary  condition. 
In  order  to  increase  the  income  from  their  sale  some 
of  the  larger  tablets  were  broken  into  pieces,  and 
this  has  naturally  increased  the  difficulties  of  the 
decipherer.  Most  of  the  tablets  have  been  secured 
for  museums.  About  one  hundred  and  eighty  were 
acquired  for  the  Berlin  Museum,  eighty  for  the 
British  Museum,  and  sixty  were  retained  at  Boulac, 
in  Egypt;  while  a  few  remain  in  the  possession  of 
private  individuals. 

It  was  soon  ascertained  that  these  inscriptions 
represent    the    official    archives    of    two    kings    of 

251 


252  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Egypt,  Amenophis  III,  and  Amenophis  IV,  who 
lived  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.  C.  They  contain 
letters  and  reports  written  to  the  kings  of  Egypt 
by  their  officials  in  Palestine,  Phoenicia,  and  Syria, 
and  by  friendly  rulers  of  Eastern  nations.  They 
were  not  written  in  the  Egyptian  tongue,  as  might 
have  been  supposed,  but  in  the  Babylonian  language^ 
and  in  the  difficult  cuneiform  script.  They  show 
that  the  Babylonian  was  the  official  language  of 
diplomacy  in  Western  Asia  at  that  time ;  and  that 
this  period  was  not  prior  to  all  knowledge  of  writing 
in  Palestine ;  they  offer  evidence  of  an  advanced 
literary  activity,  and  also  of  a  very  fair  civilization 
among  the  people  of  that  country. 

Amenophis  III  (the  Greek  for  Amen-hotep)  began 
to  rule  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  His  throne  name  was 
Nibmare  (Neb-ma'i-Re),  which  means  "Re  (the 
sun  god)  is  lord  of  truth,  "  but  in  the  inscriptions  he 
was  addressed  Nimmuria  and  Nibmuaria.  The 
only  campaign  that  he  is  known  to  have  conducted 
was  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign  against  the  Ethi- 
opians. He  erected  temples  at  Karnak  and  Luxor, 
besides  the  famous  Colossi  of  Memnon,  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Nile,  not  far  from  Thebes.  He 
married  Gilukhepa,  a  sister  of  Dushratta,  king  of 
Mitanni ;  and  also  the  Egyptian  Teie,  who  was 
the  mother  of  the  son  (Amenophis  IV)  that  suc- 
ceeded him. 

^  A  few  are  written  in  a  foreign  language,  but  in  the  Sa1S)y- 
lonian  script. 


The  Amarna  Letters  253 

The  throne  name  of  Amenophis  IV,  who  is  known 
as  the  heretical  king,  was  Nefer-kheprti-Re,  which 
means,  "Beautiful  is  the  Being  of  Re."  In  these 
archives  he  is  addressed  as:  Napkhuria,  Napkhuru- 
ria,  etc.  He  married  Tadukhipa,  princess  of  Mitanni, 
who  was  a  niece  of  his  father's  wife,  Gilukhepa. 
While  in  the  Asiatic  home  of  his  wife  he  became 
infatuated  with  the  worship  of  the  sun.  This  he 
endeavored  to  have  supersede  the  worship  of  the 
Egyptian  gods.  In  consequence,  he  incurred  the 
enmity  of  the  priests  of  Amen  in  Thebes;  and  he 
finally  found  it  desirable  to  set  up  his  new  worship 
elsewhere.  The  Court  was  therefore  removed  from 
Thebes  to  Tel  el- Amarna,  where  the  king  built  a 
new  city.  He  changed  his  name  from  Amenhotep 
to  Khu-en-Aten,  "  Spirit  of  Aten.  "  The  new  capital 
he  named,  Khut-Aten,  "Horizon  of  Aten."  The 
names  of  his  daughters  were  also  compounded  with 
Aten.  In  this  exclusive  worship  of  the  sun,  mono- 
theistic ideas  seem  to  have  prevailed.  His  religion, 
according  to  the  inscriptions,  was  more  expressive 
of  devout  feelings  than  the  state  religion.  But 
his  innovations  did  not  last  long,  for  after  his  death 
a  reaction  set  in.  His  sepulcher  was  profaned,  his 
mummy  was  torn  to  pieces,  his  city  was  destroyed, 
and  his  innovations  were  set  aside.  Those  who 
continued  to  cling  to  his  heresy  were  driven  away 
or  killed.     Civil  war  followed. 

Two  of  the  tablets  discovered  contain  Babylonian 
mythological  texts.    On  one  the  words  are  separated 


254  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


*& 


with  dots  in  black  ink,  and  on  the  other  with  red. 
They  were  doubtless  used  as  exercises  in  learning 
the  cuneiform  languages  and  script.  One  contains 
what  is  known  as  the  Adapa  legend,  and  the  other 
refers  to  the  consort  of  the  god  Nergal  and  her 
messenger  Namtar.  Several  of  the  tablets  have 
endorsements  written  upon  them  in  ink,  recording 
the  time  of  their  arrival,  besides  the  name  of  the 
sender. 

A  few  of  the  letters  are  addressed  to  Amenophis 
III,  but  most  of  those  discovered  were  addressed  to 
Amenophis  IV,  who  in  changing  his  place  of  residence 
seems  to  have  taken  with  him  some  of  his  father's 
archives.  The  letters  show  that  these  two  Pharaohs 
enjoyed  friendly  relations  with  foreign  rulers  of 
Babylonia,  Assyria,  Mitanni  and  Alashia.  The 
rulers  of  these  nations  seem  to  have  regarded  each 
other  as  equals.  The  following  opening  lines  of  a 
letter  will  illustrate  how  they  addressed  each  other: 

To  Napkhururia,  king  of  Egypt,  my  brother: — Burna- 
Buriash,  king  of  Karduniash,  your  brother.  It  is  well 
with  me.  May  it  be  very  well  with  you,  your  wives, 
your  house,  your  sons,  your  horses,  and  your  chariots. 

Four  of  the  letters  were  written  by  Kadashman- 
Bel  I  (formerly  read  Kalimma-Sin) ,  a  Cassite  ruler 
in  Babylonia.  Among  the  archives  also  is  a  large 
tablet  written  by  Amenophis  III  to  Kadashman- 
Bel,  which  is  either  a  copy  of  one  sent,  or  a  tablet 
which  had  not  been  despatched.  The  correspond- 
ence between  these  rulers  is  largely  taken  up  with 


The  Amarna  Letters  ^55 

references  to  domestic  matters,  and  the  interchange 
of  presents.  The  Babylonian  ruler  was  anxious  to 
receive  gold  from  Egypt,  while  the  Egyptian  had 
asked  for  the  Asiatic  king's  daughter  in  marriage. 
The  latter  did  not  feel  assured  that  his  sister,  whom 
his  father  sent,  was  alive  and  well  treated.  He 
complained  also  to  Amenophis  that  he  had  upbraided 
his  ambassadors,  charging  them  with  having  said 
that  another  woman  which  he  had  sent  was  not 
beautiful.  This  the  Egyptian  denied  having  said. 
The  latter,  in  another  letter,  repeats  his  request  for 
the  Babylonian  king's  daughter,  which  request 
was  granted  later  on.  Kadashman-Bel  makes  a 
similar  entreaty,  desiring  to  have  the  Pharaoh's 
daughter  in  marriage.  The  latter  having  refused, 
the  Babylonian  wrote:  "If  there  is  any  beautiful 
woman  there  send  her.  Who  shall  say:  'She  is 
not  a  king's  daughter'?"  The  reluctance  shown  by 
Amenophis  in  giving  his  daughter  in  marriage  to 
Kadashman-Bel  was  in  accordance  with  his  claims 
of  divinity.  Some  of  the  Pharaohs  of  this  dynasty 
married  their  own  sisters,  not  considering  that 
there  were  any  others  living  their  equals.  These 
concubinal  affairs  are  curiously  mixed  up  with  busi- 
ness matters.  The  Egyptians  seemed  to  possess 
plenty  of  gold,  as  at  this  time  the  Nubian  mines 
were  being  worked.  In  his  letters,  Kadashman- 
Bel  made  repeated  requests  for  the  precious  metal 
in  return  for  presents  which  he  sent,  or  as  a  dowry. 
Six  or  more  of  the  letters  were  written  by  the 


25Q  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Babylonian  king  Burna-Buriash  II  to  Naphurria 
(Amenophis  IV).  Exchanging  of  presents  and 
matrimonial  affairs  also  make  up  a  large  portion  of 
their  correspondence.  Among  other  things  he  com- 
plained of  his  caravans  being  plundered  in  the 
Egyptian    king's    land,    Canaan    (Kinakhi). 

They  (the  agents  of  Amenophis)  have  killed  and 
appropriated  their  money.  .  .  .  Canaan  is  your 
land,  and  you  are  the  king.  I  have  been  violently 
dealt  with  in  your  land.  Make  good  the  money  they  have 
stolen;  and  the  people  who  have  killed  my  servants, 
kill  them  and  avenge  their  blood. 

As  we  shall  later  see,  the  conditions  in  Palestine 
were  in  a  serious  shape  for  the  king  of  Egypt,  who 
at  this  time  held  the  suzerainty  of  that  land.  Burna- 
Buriash  also  requested  the  king  of  Egypt  not  to  give 
encouragement  to  his  own  vassals,  the  Assyrians, 
who  were  endeavoring  to  gain  independence  from 
Babylonia,  reminding  him  that  on  a  previous  oc- 
casion his  father  Kurigalzu,  had  not  given  ear  to 
the  Canaanites,  w^ho  sought  his  aid  when  they  re- 
belled against  Egypt. 

Ashur-uballit,  king  of  Assyria,  is  represented  by 
one  letter  in  the  archives,  which  was  written  to 
Amenophis  IV.  The  desire  for  the  yellow  metal 
seems  also  to  have  been  the  burden  of  his  message. 

Dushratta,  king  of  Mitanni,  whose  sister  was 
married  to  Amenophis  III,  wrote  five  of  the  letters 
to  his  brother-in-law.  He  also  asked  for  "much 
gold."      He   was   willing   to   have   it   regarded   as 


The  Amarna  Letters  257 

purchase  money  for  his  daughter,  whom  the  Pharaoh 
wanted  for  his  son's  wife.  After  the  death  of 
Amenophis  III,  Dushratta  addressed  a  letter  to  his 
widow  and  several  to  his  son.  In  the  one  to  the  for- 
mer, he  pleads  that  the  pledges  made  by  her  husband 
be  fulfilled.  Many  complaints  against  each  other 
seem  to  have  been  made  by  the  two  potentates,  and 
it  is  probable  that  later  a  rupture  in  their  rela- 
tions took  place.  Mitanni  at  this  time  seems  to 
have  included  the  territory  from  Cappadocia  into 
Assyria,  including  Nineveh. 

A  number  of  letters  are  addressed  to  the  king  of 
Egypt  by  the  king  of  Alashia,  who  fails  to  mention 
his  name.  They  are  largely  of  a  business  character. 
In  exchange  for  his  copper  and  building  wood  which 
he  sent  as  presents,  he  requests  silver,  oil,  and 
manufactured  articles.  Alashia  is  indentified  with 
Cyprus,  as  that  country  is  called  in  Egyptian  Alas.^ 
This  being  true,  the  expression  in  one  of  the  letters 
from  that  country  referring  to  Nergal  indicates  some 
influence  of  the  Babylonian  religion  in  that  land. 

Of  special  value,  in  the  interest  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, are  the  letters  from  Phoenician  and  Canaanite 
vassals,  princes,  and  governors.  These  comprise 
the  bulk  of  letters.  Through  them  we  gain  much 
data  for  the  historical  geography  of  Palestine,  and 

^See  Jeremias,  Das  Alte  Testament,  im  Lichte  des  alten 
Orients,  p.  154  and,  W.  M.  Miiller  in  Orientalist icJie  Littcratiirzei- 
tung,  Aug.  15,  1900,  p.  288.  Elishah  of  Genesis  10:4  is  doubt- 
less also  to  be  regarded  as  the  name  of  that  country. 

17 


258  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

also  much  light  upon  the  state  of  civilization  at  that 
early  date.  The  situation  as  indicated  by  these 
tablets  is  in  remarkable  accord  with  the  books  of 
the  Old  Testament  referring  to  this  age.  Moreover, 
for  the  first  time  we  learn  that  the  native  princes  and 
governors  who  wrote  these  letters  were  subject  to 
Egypt.  The  conquests  of  Thothmes  III  had  brought 
this  region  under  Egyptian  sway.  But  while 
Egyptian  rule  had  been  supreme,  its  authority  was 
rapidly  declining.  From  what  follows  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  Egyptian  king  left  the  governors  to  their 
fate.  Their  repeated  requests  for  reinforcements  or 
assistance  seem  to  have  been  totally  disregarded. 
Aliens  everywhere  had  disaffected  the  people.  The 
Hittites  were  encroaching  upon  the  land.  Rebellion 
and  uprising  against  Egypt  had  openly  been  made, 
and  little  seems  to  have  been  done  to  maintain  the 
Pharaoh's  authority.  Each  prince  or  king  protested 
his  loyalty  and  fidelity  and  submission.  The  neigh- 
boring ruler  was  accused  of  being  the  rebel.  Accusa- 
tions against  each  other  form  a  considerable  part  of 
this  correspondence,  as  well  as  efforts  to  justify 
their  actions.  Back  of  it  all  was  the  desire  of  these 
rulers  to  throw  off  the  Egyptian  yoke.  A  number 
of  them  w^ere  in  league  w^th  the  Hittites  and  the 
Habiri  (Habiri)  people,  who  were  encouraged  to 
make  inroads  upon  the  land.  We  shall  first  consider 
briefly  the  letters  that  were  written  in  Northern 
Palestine,  then  those  that  came  from  Southern 
Palestine. 


The  Amarna  Letters  259 

These  letters  are  naturally  addressed  differently 
from  those  of  the  friendly  powers.  For  example, 
Rib-Addi  of  Gubla  (the  Gebal  of  Psa.  83:7)  in  a 
verbose  phraseology  addresses  the  king  thus:  "To 
my  lord,  my  sun.  Rib-Addi  your  servant.  At  the 
feet  of  my  lord,  my  sun,  seven  times  and  seven  times 
I  fall."  In  other  letters  the  writer,  in  writing 
concerning  himself,  uses  the  words:  "the  dust  of 
thy  feet,  "  "  the  dust  under  the  sandals  of  thy  feet, " 
"the  ground  on  which  thou  walkest, "  "the  groom 
of  thy  horse,"  "thy  dog."  Rib-Addi  wrote  no  less 
than  sixty  of  the  letters  to  Amenophis  IV,  some  of 
which  in  his  appeals  for  success  are  most  pathetic. 
The  burden  of  his  letters  is  the  charge  that  native 
princes,  who  are  supposed  to  be  subjects  of  Egypt, 
are  in  league  with  the  Hittites  and  the  Suti  and  the 
Habiri.  Rib-Addi  criminates  especially  two  vassals, 
Abdi-Ashirte  and  his  son  Aziru,  for  playing  into 
the  hands  of  the  king's  enemies.  In  fact,  they 
have  by  the  help  of  these  allies  captured  many 
cities. 

Japakhi-Addi  writes:^  "Why  do  you  neglect 
Simyra?  For  all  the  lands  are  fallen  away  to  Aziru, 
from  Gebal  as  far  as  Ugarit ;  and  Shigata  is  revolting 
and  also  Ami,  "  etc.  Akizzi  of  Oatna  asks  for  troops 
to  protect  Nukhashshi  from  Azira  and  the  Hittites. 
He  speaks  of  the  king  of  the  Hittites  as  being  in  the 
land,   and  that  he  endeavored  to  treat  with  him. 


^Winckler,  Keilinschriftliche  Bibliothek  V.  No.   123. 


260  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Many  other  complaints  are  made  against  Aziru, 
as  well   as   his   father   and   other  princes. 

Finally,  Khanni,  a  messenger,  was  sent  by  the 
Egyptian  king  to  look  into  affairs.  Aziru  heard  of 
his  coming,  and  went  to  Tunep  where  he  remained 
until  the  messenger  departed.  Then  he  wrote 
protesting  his  loyalty,  and  expressed  his  great 
regrets  at  having  missed  seeing  Khanni.  An  attack 
by  the  Hittites  had  called  him  away  from  the  city. 

To  all  charges  that  have  been  made  by  the 
Pharaoh  he  bad  plausible  answers.  Concerning 
the  city  Simyra,  that  he  is  charged  with  having 
destroyed,  he  claims  that  that  w^as  necessary  in 
order  to  prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemies ;  and  the  cities  he  was  then  occupying,  was 
in  order  to  defend  them  against  the  Hittites. 

A  similar  clamor  for  assistance  came  from  faithful 
princes  in  Southern  Palestine.  In  the  North  the 
enemies  were  designated  as  Egyptian  vassals  who 
had  the  assistance  of  the  Hittites;  a  people  called 
the  Sagas  (or  Khabiri)  as  well  as  the  Suti.  In  the 
South  the  enemy  is  referred  to  as  the  Habiri.  They 
had  the  support  of  several  native  vassals  of  Egypt, 
among  whom  were  Milkilu  and  the  sons  of  Labaya. 

The  chief  opposition  to  the  inroads  of  this  people 
was  made  by  a  faithful  vassal  named  Abdi-khiba, 
who  wrote  from  the  city  called  Urusalim,  which  is 
Jerusalem.  Nine  of  his  letters  have  been  preserved, 
the  burden  of  which  is  that  the  Habiri  have  the 
assistance  of  some  of  his  vassals ;  they  are  conquering 


The  Amarna  Letters  261 

the  land.  "  The  land  of  the  king  is  going  to  ruin.  If 
you  do  not  listen  to  me  all  the  dependent  princes  will 

be  lost let  my  lord,  the  king,  send 

troops."  "The  king  has  no  longer  any  territory,  the 
Habiri  have  devastated  all  the  king's  territory. " 
"  If  troops  come  in  this  year,  the  territory  will  remain 
my  lord's,  the  king's,  but  if  no  troops  come,  the 
territory  of  my  lord  the  king  is  lost."  Again  he 
writes:  "  Behold  this  action  is  the  action  of  Milkilu 
and  that  of  Labaya's  son,  who  are  delivering  the 
king's  lands  to  the  Habiri."     Another  letter  reads: 

To  the  king,  my  lord,  speak  as  follows  [namely| 
Abdi-khiba,  your  servant.  At  the  feet  of  the  king,  my 
lord,  seven  times  seven  I  fall.  Behold  the  deed  which 
Milkilu  and  Shuardatum  have  done  against  the  land 
of  the  king,  my  lord, — they  have  engaged  the  soldiers 
of  Gazri  [Gezer]  the  soldiers  of  Gimti  [Gath]  and  the 
soldiers  of  Kilti;  they  have  taken  the  district  of  the 
holy  city.  The  territory  of  the  king  is  lost  to  the  Habiri 
people,  and  now  indeed  the  city  of  the  territory  of  Jeru- 
salem,— its  name  is  Bit-Nin-ib,  a  city  of  the  king,  is 
lost  to  the  people  of  Kilti.  Let  the  king  listen  to 
Abdi-khiba  thy  servant,  and  let  him  send  troops,  in  order 
that  I  may  bring  back  the  land  of  the  king  to  the  king. 
For  if  there  are  no  troops, the  land  of  the  king  will  be  lost 
to  the   Habiri   people       This   deed   of   Shuardata   and 

Milkili and     let     the     king 

care  for  his  land.  " 

.The  Hittites  are  not  mentioned  in  the  letters  from 
Southern  Palestine.  The  native  princes  seem  to  be 
in  league  with  the  Habiri.  It  would  appear  that 
Labaya  had  in  this  part  of  the  country  formed  a 
confederacy  somewhat  similar  to   the   one  in  the 


262  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

North.  His  chief  opponent,  Abdi-khiba,  doubtless 
was  silenced  in  some  way.  After  the  king's  relations 
with  him  had  been  severed,  he  was  captured,  but  on 
the  way  to  Egypt  he  escaped;  after  which  he  con- 
tinued to  tear  asunder  the  Egyptian  rule. 

In  the  reign  of  Amenophis  III,  the  king's  authority 
was  generally  unquestioned,  although  the  letters 
from  Babylonia  to  his  son  and  successor  show  that 
Canaan  had  already  become  restless,  and  some  of 
the  princes  were  anxious  to  revolt.  The  Canaanite 
vassals,  in  the  reign  of  his  successor,  realized  that 
the  government  at  home  was  exceedingly  weak; 
this  was  largely  due  to  the  disaffected  priesthood, 
because  of  the  king's  introduction  of  the  new 
religion.  They  also  realized  that  a  rebellion  was 
imminent,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  break  away  from 
Egyptian  authority.  Even  those  who  preferred  to 
remain  loyal,  certainly  realized  that  the  situation 
was  hopeless,  and  in  time  went  with  the  crowd. 
While  little  is  known  of  what  followed,  it  would 
seem  that  after  the  confusion  the  princes  became 
entirely  independent,  except  those  who  had  allied 
themselves  with  the  Hittite  king.  Such  a  dissolution 
of  authority  was  easy,  as  Egypt  apparently  had 
made  no  attempt  to  establish  its  own  form  of 
government  in  that  land.  The  impress  made  upon 
their  culture  was  so  slight  that  very  little  influence, 
up  to  the  present,  has  been  recognized. 

These  letters  afford  a  most  welcome  insight 
into  the  relations  of  the  great  nations,  and  especially 


The  Amarna  Letters  263 

into  the  affairs  of  Palestine  in  the  second  millen- 
nium before  Christ.  While  the  letters  are  written 
in  Babylonian  there  is  every  indication  that  the 
language  of  Palestine  at  this  time  was  Hebrew. 
There  are  interesting  glosses  in  the  tablets  written  in 
Hebrew.  For  instance  after  shadt,  the  word  for 
mountain  in  Babylonian,  its  Hebrew  equivalent 
liarri  is  written;  after  Jtalqat,  abada,  "perish"; 
after  ipira,  apara,  "dust,"  and  other  glosses  are 
inserted  side  by  side  with  the  Babylonian  w^ords. 
The  scribe  was  either  not  sure  that  he  used  the  right 
word,  or  being  afraid  the  reader  would  not  under- 
stand, inserted  these  glosses  in  the  Canaanite 
language,  or  Hebrew,  which  in  all  probability  was 
his  native  tongue. 

Of  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  cities  mentioned  in 
these  letters,  about  one  hundred  have  been  identified. 
Besides  the  many  towns  mentioned  in  the  letters 
which  throw  light  upon  Old  Testament  places  and 
which  enable  us  to  reconstruct  a  new  geography  of 
Palestine  for  this  period,  an  interesting  fact  was 
ascertained  in  the  decipherment  of  the  letters 
referring  to  the  city  Jerusalem.  The  common  under- 
standing was  that  prior  to  the  time  of  David  the 
name  of  the  city  was  Jebus,  although  Jerusalem  is 
used  for  the  early  period  in  the  Old  Testament 
(Joshua  io:i,  etc.).  These  letters  show  that  Jeru- 
salem, which  is  mentioned  by  that  name, was  perhaps 
the  older,  being  written  Urusalim.  In  the  period  of 
the    Judges    the    Jebusites    having    made    it    their 


264  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

stronghold,  gave  it  the  name  Jebus.  The  letters 
show  that  in  that  early  period  the  city  was  a  place 
of  great  importance  among  the  cities  of  Southern 
Canaan. 

At  this  time  Canaan,  written  Kinahni  and 
Kina}i}ii,  represented  the  whole  of  Syria,  including 
Palestine,  east  and  west  of  the  Jordan.  The  district 
mentioned  in  the  farthest  north  was  known  as 
Narima  or  Nakhrima,  which  is  the  Naharaim  of  the 
Old  Testament. 

Especially  important  has  been  the  discussion  with 
reference  to  the  invaders  who  assisted  the  native 
princes  in  their  efforts  to  overthrow  the  Egyptian 
rule.  The  Habiri,  who  are  frequently  mentioned  as 
invading  the  South,  are  in  all  probability  identical 
with  the  SA-GAS,  who  were  invading  the  North. 
The  latter  term  having  the  determinative  prefixed 
which  indicates  a  class  of  men,  has  the  ideographic 
YSilvLe  liabbatii,  "robber."  In  one  letter  SA-GA-AS 
is  followed  by  liabati,  which  would  then  be  in  appo- 
sition. Labaya  in  southern  Palestine,  who  is  one  of 
those  charged  by  Abdi-khiba  as  being  unfaithful 
to  the  king  of  Egypt  by  intriguing  with  the  Habiri, 
evidently  speaks  of  that  people  in  a  letter  to  the  king, 
when  he  used  the  term  SA-GAS.  This  must  be 
regarded  as  strong  evidence  in  proving  that  they  are 
identical. 

The  question  is.  Who  are  the  Habiri  people 
mentioned  in  these  letters  as  entering  Palestine? 
It  was  early  suggested  that  thev  were  the  Hebrews 


The  Amarna  Letters  265 

entering  Western  Canaan  under  Joshua.  This  view 
has  been  strongly  opposed  by  some  scholars,  who 
have  regarded  it  as  an  untenable  assumption.  Some 
admit  that  the  identification  of  the  word  Habiri 
with  Hebrew  is  quite  possible,  but  that  a  more 
likely  conjecture  would  be  that  the  Habiri  were 
the  predecessors  of  the  Israelites;  their  name  being 
connected  rather  with  a  hypothetical  Heber,  refer- 
ring to  Heber  of  the  clan  of  Asher  (Gen.  46:17). 
Others  hold  that  neither  the  name  nor  the  date  are 
what  we  should  expect,  as  the  Hebrews  were  known 
to  foreign  people  as  the  Israelites,  and  that  at  this 
time  they  were  in  Egypt.  Another  argument  used 
was  that  Milkilu,  a  native  prince  in  the  South, 
played  the  leading  part  in  opposition  to  the  estab- 
lished authority,  and  not  Joshua;  besides,  the  kings 
of  Jerusalem,  Gezer  and  Khasor,  mentioned  in  the 
letters,  are  not  the  same  as  referred  to  in  the  Old 
Testament.  Another  is,  that  the  Habiri  cannot  be 
said  to  be  the  Hebrew^s ;  as  both  were  in  the  same 
general  stream  of  migration.  Again  others  have 
suggested  identification  with  the  Habirai,  that  is,  the 
Habiraeans,  a  generic  term  for  the  inhabitants  of 
Elam,  or  with  the  Cassites.  Others  have  said,  the 
term  means  "confederate,"  "companion;"  that 
it  is  a  general  term  for  an  ally.  A  few  scholars, 
however,  continue  to  cling  to  the  idea  that  the 
Habiri  and  the  Hebrews  are  identical. 

From  a  philogical  point  of  view  the  identification 
of  Habiri,  i.e.  (Habiri)   and  'Ibri  (the  word,   in  the 


266  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'to 


original  translated  "Hebrew")  is  quite  possible.  The 
Hebrew  character  Ajin  in  Palestinian  names 
written  in  cuneiform  is  usuaUy  reproduced  by 
Kheth,  e.g.,  Hiimri,  Hazatu,  are  examples  of 
names  which  begin  with  an  Ajin  in  Hebrew.  Ex- 
amples to  illustrate  the  change  from  Abiri  into 
'Ibri  are  known.  Compare  those  which  have  been 
cited  by  Professor  Hommel/  e.g.,  maliku=milku; 
namiru=nimru .  Then  also  the  time  of  their  entering 
Palestine  synchronizes  practically  with  the  Hebrew 
chronology  for  the  conquest  under  Joshua  (see 
below).  It  would  therefore  seem  reasonable  that 
an  identification  of  these  invaders  with  the  Hebrews 
after  their  tutelage  in  Egypt,  was  in  the  highest 
degree  probable. 

The  principal  objection  to  the  identification  seems 
to  be  in  what  the  opponents  say  is  the  "amazing 
discrepancy"  between  the  approximate  date  of 
the  letters  and  the  date  of  the  Exodus.  Let  us 
weigh  carefully  this  argument,  inasmuch  as  the 
conquest  under  Joshua,  according  to  the  Hebrew 
chronology,  as  just  stated,  nearly  synchronizes  with, 
or  shortly  followed,  the  invasion  of  Palestine  by 
the  Habiri. 

Since  the  discovery  of  Pithom,  the  treasure  city 
built  by  the  Hebrews,  Rameses  H  has  been  generally 
regarded  as  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression,  and 
Merneptah  II,  his  son  and  successor,  as  the  Pharaoh 


1  The  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition,  p.  230. 


The  Amarna  Letters  267 

of  the  Exodus.  In  consequence,  the  Exodus  instead 
of  having  taken  place  in  the  fifteenth  century  B.C., 
is  brought  down  to  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
With  exceedingly  few  exceptions,  scholars  and  the 
general  student  accept  this  as  practically  settled. 
Rameses  II  is  generally  pronounced  the  Pharaoh 
of  Oppression.  The  following  are  the  only  reasons 
offered,  which  are  of  any  value,  for  this  identification 
and  change  in  the  Hebrew  chronology,  and  all  else 
that  it  involves. 

Edouard  Naville,  in  1883,  in  his  excavations  at 
Tel  el-Maskhutah  ("mound  of  the  statue")  deter- 
mined that  the  ancient  name  of  the  place  was 
Pithom  (Pi -Turn)  "the  abode  of  the  god  Turn." 
This  is  in  all  probability  the  city  where  the  Israelites 
were  forced  to  build  storehouses  for  the  Egyptians. 
Rectangular  chambers  of  various  sizes,  with  thick 
walls  of  crude  bricks  which  had  been  laid  up  with  a 
thin  layer  of  mortar  w^ere  found.  A  temple  in  the 
southwestern  corner  of  the  city  was  excavated,  and 
the  course  of  the  heavily  built  city  wall  was  traced. 
From  a  few  inscriptions  discovered,  besides  the 
statue  of  Rameses  II  sitting  between  two  gods, 
which  has  given  rise  to  the  modern  name  of  the 
place,  Naville  says,  "the  founder  of  the  city,  the 
king  who  gave  to  Pithom  the  extent  and  importance 
we  recognize  is  certainly  Rameses  II.  I  did  not  find 
anything  more  ancient  than  his  monument.  It  is 
possible  that  before  his  time  there  may  have  been 
here  a  shrine  consecrated  to  the  worship  of  Tum, 


268  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

but  it  is  he  who  built  the  enclosure  and  store- 
houses."^ 

After  carefully  reading  Naville's  accounts  of 
his  excavations,  one  cannot  help  being  impressed 
with  the  fact  that  his  conjectural  conclusions  are 
entirely  too  dogmatic  on  the  basis  of  the  work  he 
accomplished.  In  the  first  place  he  says,  "I  exca- 
vated to  the  bottom  of  chamber  i  and  2  (see  his 
accompanying  map) ;  but  seeing  that  they  had  been 
intentionally  filled  up,  it  seemed  useless  to  go  on 
emptying  them,  so  I  confined  the  work  to  digging 
deep  enough  to  trace   the  direction  of  the  walls, 

without  attempting  to  go  to  the  bottom 

I  laid  bare  the  upper  part  of  the  walls  of  several  of 
the  storechambers,  w^hich  I  do  not  doubt  extended 
over  the  greater  part  of  the  space  surrounded  by  the 
enclosure."  In  other  words  he  informs  us  that  he 
excavated  a  few  of  these  chambers,  but  only  two  of 
them  to  the  original  soil;  yet  we  are  led  to  believe 
from  his  accounts  of  the  excavations  that  hundreds 
of  these  chambers  existed  at  Pithom.  The  oldest 
construction,  in  the  part  of  the  city  nearest  to  the 
canal  has  suffered,  he  informs  us,  to  such  an  extent 
that  it  would  be  hopeless  to  trace  any  kind  of  plan. 
On  the  data  gathered  from  these  tentative  soundings 
— certainly  not  a  systematic  excavation  of  the 
site — one  might  properly  conclude,  as  he  tells  us, 
that   Rameses   II   built   the   storehouses   which   he 

^  The  Store  City  of  Pithom,  p.  13. 


MAI•0^ 

PITHOV  Hf  ROOPOLIS 

S  CAI  FS 


'"'^"^^\mf7Tf^''2^ 


j)  ^4,jj|;^^ai|'<iBM4*V*^MI»ailli|i''i^lfrrV^-- Vf.  LiL.ii,^,..l>  '.■■  1^ '— '-^■^''»^^ 


rr#Bf  fiA'-/  Cfl 


Naville's  map  of  Pithom,  the  store-city. 


270  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

examined,  although  he  does  not  inform  us  that  he 
found  any  stamped  bricks  of  Rameses  II  in  their 
construction.  Granting  also  that  this  great  ruler 
built  the  enclosure  of  the  city,  or  at  least  part  of  it, 
including  the  temple;  how  can  he  speak  in  such  a 
positive,  unconditional  way  as  to  the  founding  of 
the  city,  and  especially  when  the  greater  portion  of 
the  city  remains  untouched.  Rameses  II  may  be 
"the  king  who  gave  to  Pithom  the  extent  and  im- 
portance we  recognize,  "  but  the  portion  of  the  city 
towards  the  canal,  which  he  left  untouched,  and 
which  he  says  represents  the  oldest  part  of  the  city, 
may  yield  inscriptions  which  will  force  us  to  different 
conclusions.  Even  Naville,  from  the  examinations 
he  made,  must  have  had  reasons  for  saying,  "it  is 
possible  that  before  his  time  there  may  have  been  a 
shrine   consecrated   to   the   worship   of  Turn." 

It  is  a  known  fact  that  excavators  find  in  almost 
every  quarter  in  Egypt,  however  remote  and 
obscure,  that  Rameses  II  has  restored  and  built 
upon  the  work  of  his  predecessors,  even  usurping 
their  work  and  making  it  appear  as  his  own.  He 
is  even  charged  with  having  credited  himself  with 
most  of  the  achievements  of  the  great  Thothmes  III 
in  enumerating  places  he  conquered  from  which 
it  is  practically  certain  he  did  not  even  receive 
tribute.  About  thirty  miles  fromi  Pithom  is  the 
modern  Tanis.  The  city  is  identified  by  some  as  the 
biblical  Rameses,  where  Israel  lived  in  servitude. 
It  was  called  Pa-Ramessu  Meriamun  {i.e.,  the  place 


The  Amarna  Letters  271 

of  Rameses  II).  But  while  the  city  was  built  by 
Rameses,  who  is  even  called  its  "second  founder" 
by  Naville,  it  had  been  in  existence  for  more  than 
a  thousand  years  prior  to  his  time,  having  been 
built  as  early  as  Amenemhet  I,  of  the  twelfth  dynasty. 
The  early  name  of  the  place  was  Zoan  (Numbers 
13:  22),  and  if  it  is  the  Rameses  where  the  Israelites 
lived,  it  was  doubtless  knowm  by  that  name  in  later 
days;  and,  in  the  Old  Testament,  the  name  Rameses 
is  used  because  when  this  account  was  written,  that 
was  the  name  with  w^hich  the  people  were  familiar. 
Such  adaptations  or  glosses  are  numerous  in  the 
Old  Testament.  The  same  must  be  said  of  the 
passage  in  Genesis  47:11,  where  we  are  told  that 
Joseph  placed  his  father  and  brethren  in  the  land  of 
Rameses.  In  his  day  there  scarcely  was  a  place 
called  Rameses,  as  the  first  Pharaoh  by  that  name 
did  not  live  until  several  centuries  later.  Naturally 
the  city  in  question  may  not  have  been  Zoan,  but 
one  of  the  others  which  have  been  pointed  out  as 
bearing  the  name  of  Rameses.  From  this  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  reasons  why  Rameses  II  should  be 
considered  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression,  are  exceed- 
ingly precarious.  While  on  the  other  hand  there  is 
a  whole  series  of  reasons  why  the  old  date  of  the 
conquest  should  remain  practically  unchanged. 
Thothmes  III  (i  503-1449)  in  every  respect 
fulfils  the  requirements  of  the  character  of  the 
oppressor  portrayed  in  the  Old  Testament.  He 
carried  on  fourteen  campaigns  in  Syria,  conquering 


272 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


all  the  kingdoms  of  Palestine,  and  brought  the  land 
under  his  suzerainty.  On  the  pylons  of  Karnak, 
he  has  given  a  list  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  places 
in    Palestine,     Syria,    and    thereabouts,   which    he 


Thothmes  III. 


conquered.  One  hundred  and  nineteen  of  these 
are  within  and  about  Canaan.  As  a  builder,  he  has 
made  himself  famous.  To  his  reign  belongs  also  the 
famihar  picture  which  graphically  describes  the 
taskmaster   with   a   rod   standing   over   the   brick- 


The  Amarna  Letters 


273 


makers,  the  inscription  of  which  states  that  the 
laborers  are  prisoners  whom  Thothmes  III  brought 
home  for  the  work  in  his  father's  temple,  Amen,  in 
Thebes. 

In  the  succeeding  reign  of  Amenophis  II,  some 
cities  revolted,   but  they  w^ere   speedily  punished. 


Brickmakers  in  Egypt.    From  a  mural  painting  of  a  tomb. 


Thothmes  IV  ruled  but  a  very  short  time.  During 
the  reign  of  Amenophis  III,  Canaan  remained  sub- 
missive with  the  exception  perhaps  of  Aziru,  who 
even  as  early  as  this  ruler  caused  trouble,  but  one 
of  the  Amarna  letters  clearly  indicates  the  restless- 
ness of  the  princes,  and  even  their  intrigues  looking 

i8 


274  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


o 


towards  revolting.  In  the  reign  of  the  heretical 
Pharaoh  we  know  from  the  letters  that  Egypt's 
control  over  Palestine  was  greatly  relaxed,  and  that 
the  recognized  ruler  made  no  effort  to  sustain  his 
domination  of  the  land  (see  p.  262),  and  to  all 
appearances  it  was  completely  lost  to  Egypt.  The 
remaining  four  or  five  rulers  of  this  dynasty  were 
exceedingly  weak,  and  doubtless  never  entered 
Palestine. 

Nothing  can  be  gathered  from  the  records  of 
Rameses  I,  and  Sety  I,  to  show  that  Canaan  was  any 
longer  an  Egyptian  province.  Besides  extending  his 
conquest  in  Northern  Syria,  Sety  I  conquered  Pahil, 
which  is  eighteen  miles  south  of  the  Sea  of  Gallilee, 
and  also  Bath-Shar,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
four  miles  north  of  Hebron.  Pa-Kan'ana  is  also 
mentioned,  which  may  be  a  little  south  of  Hebron. 
The  annals  of  Rameses  H  inform  us  of  his  many 
conflicts  with  the  Hittites  in  the  early  part  of  his 
reign ;  and  although  he  marched  frequently  through 
Palestine,  and  may  have  attempted  to  break  up  the 
confederacy,  he  seems  only  to  have  conquered  here 
and  there  a  town:  Ashkelon,  Shalam,  Merom,  and 
Dapur,  which  is  supposed  to  be  Tabor.  In  other 
words  these  cities,  if  all  are  rightly  regarded  as  being 
in  Palestine,  could  have  been  conquered  by  the 
Egyptians,  and  the  Israelites,  if  in  the  land,  would 
not  have  been  molested,  for  in  the  Old  Testament 
we  do  not  learn  that  they  had  anything  to  do  with 
these   places.     There  is  nothing  in  the   annals  of 


The  Amarna  Letters  275 

Rameses  I,  Sety  I,  and  Rameses  II  to  show  that 
Israel  was  not  in  Canaan  during  these  reigns.  But 
on  the  other  hand,  in  the  reign  of  Sety  I  and  Rameses 
II,  according  to  Professor  W.  Max  Miiller,  the  tribe 
of  Asher  (written  'A-sa-ru)  is  already  located  in 
western  Gallilee.  Efforts  naturally  are  made  to 
explain  away  the  importance  of  this  fact  by  making 
conjectures  similar  to  those  made  in  connection  with 
the  following. 

The  crowning  discovery  having  a  bearing  on 
this  question  was  made  by  Petrie,  in  finding  the 
stele  of  Merneptah,  the  successor  of  Rameses  II, 
which  shows  that  Israel  in  his  time  was  already  in 
Palestine,  and  that  this  ruler  was  not  the  Pharaoh  of 
the  Exodus.  On  the  back  of  an  inscription  of 
Amenophis  II,  he  had  inscribed  a  hymn  of  victory, 
in  which  he  praised  himself  for  his  glorious  achieve- 
ments. 

The  kings  are  overthrown,  saying:  "salam!"  Not 
one  holds  up  his  head  among  the  Nine  Bows.  Wasted 
is  Tehenu  (Libyans),  Kheta  (Hittites)  is  pacified, 
plundered  is  Pekanan  {"the  Canaan")  with  every 
evil,  carried  off  is  Askalon,  seized  upon  is  Gezer  (Judges, 
i:  29),  Yenoam  is  made  as  a  thing  not  existing.  Israel 
is  desolated,  his  seed  is  not;  Palestine  has  become  a 
widow  for  Egypt.  All  lands  are  united,  they  are  paci- 
fied, are  in  peace;  every  one  that  is  turbulent  is  bound 
by  king  Merneptah,  given  life  like  Re,  every  day.^ 

This  inscription  shows  that  the  Israelites  were  in 
Canaan  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign,  which  makes 

^See  Breasted,  Egypt  in  Ancient  Records,  Vol  III,  p.  263. 


276  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

it  impossible  to  consider  him  the  Pharaoh  of  the 
Exodus,  and  his  predecessor,  Rameses  II,  the 
Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression,  unless  the  forty  years  in 
the  wilderness  be  considered  a  myth,  inasmuch  as 
this  stele  was  set  up  in  Merneptah's  fifth  year.  The 
word  "Israel"  in  this  inscription  does  not  refer  to  a 
single  city,  where,  as  has  been  suggested,  the 
descendants  of  the  Israelites  might  have  been  settled 
who  had  been  left  behind  in  Canaan,  the  rest  having 
migrated  to  Egypt;  or,  who  might  have  returned 
after  the  famine ;  but  to  the  people  Israel  in  general, 
for  the  word  has  before  it  the  determinative  for  a 
class  of  men,  while  the  other  names  have  the  deter- 
minative which  signifies  that  they  are  countries  or 
cities.  In  the  verse  following  that  with  the  name 
Israel,  Palestine  stands  as  if  it  were  in  parallelism 
to  it.  It  is  possible,  as  some  one  has  suggested,  that 
the  poem  refers  to  Israel  while  in  the  wilderness 
south  of  Canaan ;  but  if  the  invasion  proper  followed 
shortly  afterwards,  should  we  not  expect  to  find 
reference  to  Egyptian  supremacy  over  Palestine  in 
the  Old  Testament,  and  especially  as  we  learn  that 
Merneptah  had  invaded  Gezer,  w^hich  Joshua  had 
conquered. 

To  meet  the  conclusions  to  which  this  discovery 
forces  us,  as  well  as  the  other,  concerning  the  tribe  of 
Asher,  the  theory  has  been  advanced  that  a  portion 
of  Israel  left  Egypt  before  the  Exodus,  and  settled 
in  Palestine.  If  such  were  the  case,  and  they  were 
of  sufficient  numbers  to  be  mentioned,  if  only  in  a 


Stele  of  Pharaoh  Merneptah,  mentioning  Israel. 


278  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

general  way,  as  synonymous  with  the  term  Palestine, 
we  surely  should  expect  some  reference  to  them  in 
the  history  of  Joshua's  invasion. 

Another  very  important  consideration  in  this 
connection  is  the  chronology  of  the  Old  Testament. 
It  is  generally  recognized  as  a  most  difficult  subject, 
and  that  it  presents  many  difficulties.  It  has  become 
the  fashion  to  discredit  it  on  the  slightest  pretext, 
in  fact,  very  often  without  any  reason.  Shifting 
the  Exodus  two  centuries  later,  and  putting  it  after 
Rameses  II,  necessitates  the  lengthening  of  the 
Hebrew  chronology  for  the  period  before  and 
shortening  it  after  the  Exodus.  In  the  period,  how- 
ever, between  Abraham's  migration,  if  the  date 
2IOO  B.C.  for  Hammurabi  be  accepted,  and  the  date 
about  969  B.  C,  which  is  generally  fixed  for  the 
founding  of  the  temple,  the  monuments  and  ancient 
writers  offer  us  remarkable  synchronisms  with  the 
Old  Testament  all  along  the  line,  providing  the  view 
stands  which  has  been  held  formerly,  that  the 
Exodus  took  place  in  the  eighteenth  dynasty  instead 
of  the  nineteenth,  as  is  declared  by  those  influenced 
by  Naville's  discovery  at  Pithom.  Starting  from 
2100  B.  C,  the  220  years  in  addition  to  the  430  of 
the  sojourn,  would  bring  the  Exodus  to  1450  B.  C. 
Going  backward  from  969  B.C.,  the  date  for  the 
founding  of  the  temple,  and  using  the  480  years  of 
I  Kings  6:1  (the  Septuaguint  makes  it  440  years) 
we  should  reach  1449  B.  C,  for  the  Exodus;  in  other 
words  practically  the  same  date.    Assuming  that  the 


The  Amarna  Letters  279 

accepted  date  of  the  Exodus  is  not  disturbed  by 
the  discovery  that  Rameses  built  or  rebuilt  Pithom, 
and  that  he  was  not  the  Pharaoh  of  Oppression, 
the  letters  found  at  Tel  el- Amarna,  referring  to  the 
Habiri  invasion  synchronize  in  a  general  way  with 
the  Hebrew  conquest  under  Joshua.  And  inasmuch 
as  there  is  no  philological  difficulty  in  regarding 
them  as  identical  with  the  Hebrews,  the  question 
whether  they  actually  are,  becomes  exceeding 
interesting. 

The  impressions  made  by  the  appeals  of  the 
princes  for  assistance  in  these  letters  would  lead  us 
to  suppose  that  the  invasion,  while  perhaps  of  a 
serious  character,  could  easily  be  controlled,  if  only 
Amenophis  would  send  a  few  troops.  Naturally 
they  had  the  protection  of  walled  cities  and  their 
own  organized  forces,  which  would  enable  them  to 
protect  themselves  against  a  goodly  number.  We 
are  not  led  to  believe  that  the  Hittites  referred  to  can 
be  regarded  necessarily  as  an  army  of  the  Hittite 
king.  Moreover,  it  seems  as  if  the  impression  of  an 
invasion  was  a  ruse  to  mislead  Amenophis,  and  that 
the  operations  of  these  allies  were  w^elcomed,  and 
perhaps  invited  by  the  princes  who  desired  to  revolt. 
Rib-Abbi  calls  them  allies  of  Abdi-Ashirti,  the 
servant  (literally  dogs)  of  the  king  of  Mitanni,  of 
Kashi,  and  of  the  Hittites. 

Again,  the  invaders  are  called  the  Suti,  Habiri 
and  Hittites.  These  surely  did  not  represent  any 
organized  efforts  on  the  part  of  kings,  but  they  were 


280  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

doubtless  bands  of  invaders.  In  like  manner  it 
would  be  unreasonable  to  regard  the  Habiri  as  the 
Hebrews  entering  Western  Canaan  under  Joshua, 
for  as  has  been  stated,  Adonizedec  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment is  the  king  of  Jerusalem  (Joshua  lo:  i);  and 
not  Abdi-khiba,  as  in  the  letters;  or  Horam  is  king 
of  Gezer  and  not  Yaphi;  or  Yabim  of  Hasor  and 
not  Abdi-tirshi ;  or  Yaphi  is  king  of  Lachish,  and  not 
Zimrida.  But  this  conjecture  is  reasonable.  In 
view  of  the  fact  that  these  allies  represent  bands  of 
marauders  of  various  peoples,  the  Habiri  were 
Hebrews  who  had  left  the  main  body,  perhaps 
while  on  the  other  side  of  the  Jordan,  or,  more  prob- 
able, while  in  the  wilderness.  That  they  pushed 
ahead,  seems  reasonable,  and,  by  making  alliances 
with  the  Canaanites  who  were  about  to  break  away 
from  Egyptian  control,  made  the  way  for  the  con- 
quest which  followed  much  easier.  It  left  the 
princes  politically  divided  up  as  they  were  prior  to 
Thothmes'  invasions.  In  this  disturbed  state, 
the  Egyptians  having  been  expelled  the  conditions 
were  such  that  the  coujitry  was  ripe  for  an  invasion. 
The  kings  of  Egypt  following  Amenophis  IV  were 
weak,  and  made  no  attempt,  so  far  as  is  known, 
to  reestablish  their  lost  prestige.  It  is  therefore 
quite  reasonable  to  conjecture,  owing  to  the  peculiar 
conditions  prevailing  during  the  reign  of  Amenophis 
IV,  and  also  because  of  the  civil  war  which  followed 
his  death,  that  the  land  was  practically  lost  to 
Egypt,  about  the  close  of  his  reign.     This  is  about 


The  Amarna  Letters  281 

the  time,   or  shortly  afterwards  that  the   Hebrew 
chronology    fixes    the    conquest    by    Joshua. 

The  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus  would  then  be 
Amenophis  II  or  III,  preferably  the  former. 
It  is  a  strange  coincidence  that  though  this  ruler 
sat  on  the  throne  at  least  twenty-six  years,  nothing 
is  known  of  his  reign  after  the  fifth  year.  Although 
disasters  are  not  as  a  rule,  recorded  on  the  ancient 
monuments,  this  may  be  the  reason  why  no  reference 
to  the  Exodus  has  been  found  in  the  Egyptian 
inscriptions.  Thus  the  old  view,  as  formerly  held  by 
Egyptologists,  as  well  as  by  Manetho  and  nearly 
all  the  ancient  historians,  who  have  handed  down  the 
traditions  current  among  the  Egyptians,  seems 
altogether  reasonable,  namely,  that  the  expulsion 
of  the  lepers,  meaning  Israel,  took  place  in  the 
reign  of  Amenophis  II. 


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XII 

BABYLONIAN  TEMPLE  RECORDS  OF 

THE  SECOND  MILLENNIUM 

BEFORE  CHRIST 

From  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century 
B.  C,  to  the  close  of  the  thirteenth,  foreign  kings, 
known  as  the  Cassites,  ruled  over  Babylonia.  Al- 
ready in  the  ninth  year  of  Samsu-iluna,  about 
2000  B.  C,  these  foreigners  invaded  Babylonia, 
but  were  driven  out,  to  return  a  little  later,  when 
they  established  themselves  firmly  in  the  land, 
and  founded  a  new  dynasty. 

It  is  not  known  as  yet  to  what  group  of  languages 
their  tongue  belongs.  Efforts  have  been  made  to 
show  that  it  is  an  Indo-Germanic  language.  Nor 
has  it  been  determined  from  whence  these  people 
came.  Some  think  they  are  connected  with  the 
Kissians,  others  associate  them  with  Elam,  while 
still  others  locate  their  native  land  to  the  north  of 
that  country.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Hyksos, 
who  ruled  Egypt  at  that  time,  have  some  con- 
nection with  their  contemporaries,  the  Cassites; 
who   ruled    Babylonia. 

The  temple  of  Bel  at  Nippur  seems  to  have 
received  considerable  attention  from  several  of  these 

283 


284  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

rulers.  In  its  restoration  and  enlargement,  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  second  millennium  B.  C,  the  work 
of  the  Cassite  rulers  Kadashman-Bel,  Kuri-Galzu, 
and  Ramman-shum-usur  is  quite  conspicuous.  Many 
inscribed  bricks  of  these  kings  have  been  found  in 
the  ruins  of  the  Temple  Ekur.  Besides  their  devotion 
to  the  temple  buildings,  they  dedicated  a  large  num- 
ber of  inscribed  votive  objects  to  the  patron  deities 
of  Nippur;  namely,  Bel,  Ninib,  and  Nusku}  They 
are  in  lapis-lazuli,  magnesite,  agate,  ivory,  feldspar, 
turquoise,  glass  in  imitation  of  lapis-lazuli,  etc. 
A  good  many  of  these  dedicatory  objects,  which  had 
belonged  to  the  temple,  were  found  ^  in  a  jeweler's 
shop  of  the  late  period.  Perhaps  found  during 
excavations  for  some  late  construction,  these  objects 
were  sold  to  the  jeweler,  who  intended  to  use  them 
as  raw  material  in  the  manufacture  of  gems,  but 
his  establishment  was  suddenly  destroyed,  and  the 
valuable  stones  buried.  The  following  translations^ 
of  inscriptions  afford  illustrations  of  these  votive 
objects,  most  of  which  are  quite  small. 

An  ivory  knob,   perhaps  of  a  scepter,   contains 

^The  oath  formulce  of  contracts  of  the  second  millennium 
B.C.,  besides  the  fact  that  a  number  of  votive  objects  are 
dedicated  to  Nusku,  as  well  as  to  Bel  and  Ninib,  show  that 
Nippur  regarded  all  three  as  special  patron  deities.  See  my 
Documents  from  the  Temple  Archives  of  Nippur,  Vol.  XV, 
p.  2. 

^See  Peters,  Nippur,  Vol.  2,  p.  77. 

^  Copies  of  these  votive  inscriptions  are  to  be  found  in  Hil- 
precht,  Old  Babylonian  Inscriptions,  Part  i. 


Babylonian  Temple  Records  285 

on  its  rounded  top  an  inscription  in  Sumerian: 
"To  Bel,  his  lord,  Burna-Buriash,  king  of  Babylon, 
has  presented  it."  Similar  inscriptions  are  found  on 
little  disks  of  lapis-lazuli,  some  of  which  are  an  inch 
to  two  inches  in  diameter,  and  about  three-eighths 
to  a  quarter  of  an  inch  in  thickness.  The  inscriptions 
of  several  of  these  disks  mention  the  name  of  the 
stone  upon  which  they  are  written;  namely,  ugnu. 
As  a  result,  this  familiar  word  was  finally  determined 
to  mean  lapis-lazuli.  Another  inscription  reads: 
"To  Nusku,  his  sublime  minister,  his  lord,  Kadash- 
man-Turgu  has  made  the  bright  ashme  of  lapis-lazuli 
and  presented  it  for  his  life."  As  the  little  object 
is  in  the  form  of  a  disk,  it  has  been  inferred  that 
ashme  means  "  disk.  " 

A  very  interesting  object  is  a  little  irregular  agate 
tablet,  which  was  also  found  in  the  jeweler's  shop. 
It  is  about  two  inches  by  two,  and  about  one-half 
inch  in  thickness,  through  which  a  small  hole  is 
bored.  On  the  one  side  it  contains  an  inscription 
of  Dungi,  about  2650  B.C.,  which  reads:  "To  the 
goddess  Nina,  his  lady,  for  the  life  of  Dungi  the 
powerful  hero,  king  of  Ur,  Siatum."  The  balance 
is  broken  away.  The  other  side  is  inscribed :  "  Kuri- 
Galzu,  king  of  Karduniash,  conquered  the  palace 
of  Shasha  (Shushan  of  Esther  i :  2)  in  Elam,  and  pre- 
sented [it]  to  (the  goddess)  Belit,  his  lady,  for  his 
life."  In  other  words,  the  history  of  this  little  tablet 
is  as  follows:  Dungi  had  it  inscribed  and  presented 
to  the  goddess  Nina,  presumably  in  Erech.     Later 


286 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


it  was  carried  to  Elam.  Ashurbanipal  informs  us 
that  a  statue  of  the  same  goddess  had  been  carried 
to  Elam  by  Kudur-Nankhundi,  2285  B.C.,  who  with 
his  hordes  invaded  Babylonia.  He  brought  back 
the  statue  of  the  goddess,  and  restored  it  to  her 
shrine  in  Erech.  Doubtless  this  little  tablet  had 
been  carried  away  to  Elam  at  the  same  time. 
Kuri-Galzu,  about  1250  B.  C,  conquered  Elam,  and 


-"^  JI^ 


OBVERSE 

Inscription  of  Dungi  (2650  B.  C). 


IE3Z5 


SBte 


Bk 


iMaMitef'i 


$<(  ^  J- 


REVERSE 

Inscription  of  Kuri-Galzu  (1250  B.C.). 


among  other  booty  brought  back  with  him  this 
little  tablet.  Again  it  was  dedicated  to  a  Babylonian 
goddess,  but  this  time  to  Beltis,  the  consort  of  Bel, 
at  Nippur.  In  the  late  days  of  Babylonian  history,  it 
found  its  way  into  the  jeweler's  shop,  with  other 
inscribed  pieces  of  valuable  stone.  The  gem  cutter's 
labors  being  interrupted,  the  little  tablet  was  buried. 
Its  discoverer  has   caused  it  to  be  removed  once 


Babylonian  Temple  Records  287 

more  from  Babylonia,  its  last  resting-place  being  in 
the  Imperial  Ottoman  Museum  at  Constantinople. 
It  is,  of  course,  not  impossible  that  some  day  it 
will  again  be  returned  to  Babylonia. 

Another  interesting  object  which  was  found  near 
the  temple  area  is  a  fragment  of  a  votive  battle-axe. 


Prayer  of  Nazi-Maruttash  on  imitation  of  lapis-lazuli. 


It  contains  a  beautiful  prayer  of  Nazi-Maruttash. 
Unfortunately  the  dedication  and  conclusion  are 
w^anting,  but  when  complete  doubtless  read:  [To 
Bel  (or  some  other  god)  his  lord],  Nazi-Maruttash, 
the  son  of  Kuri-Galzu,  to  hear  his  prayer;  to  be 
favorable  unto  his  supplications;  to  accept  his 
sigh,  to  protect  his  life,  to  lengthen  his  days,  [does 


288  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

he  present  this  bright  lapis-lazuH  axe].  It  would 
be  interesting  to  know  whether  the  restoration  in 
brackets  is  correct,  and  that  he  actually  called  it 
lapis-lazuli ;  for  it  is  only  an  imitation  of  that  stone, 
being  made  of  glass,  and  colored  with  cobalt.  If 
that  is  true,  he  cheated  his  god. 

Other  votive  objects,  for  example,  a  large  irregular 
block  of  lapis-lazuli  dedicated  by  Kadashman-Turgu, 
and  a  small  one  by  Kadashman-Bel,  besides  small 
tablets  of  different  shapes,  were  found,  having  been 
at  one  time  the  property  of  the  temple.  While 
other  Babylonian  temples  of  this  period  have  not 
been  disinterred,  and  the  cities  where  the  Cassite 
rulers  lived  is  unknown,  unless  perhaps  Dur-Kuri- 
Galzu,  it  seems  as  if  Nippur  received  considerable 
attention  at  the  hands  of  these  foreign  rulers. 
Whether  other  Babylonian  temples  were  embellished, 
and  favored  by  them,  as  was  Ekur,  future  excava- 
tions will  determine. 

Besides  these  votive  objects  and  bricks,  only  a 
few  other  inscriptions  have  been  published  belonging 
to  this  dynasty,  notably  several  boundary-stones, 
or  deeds  of  territorial  grants.  Most  of  these  have 
been  found  in  Susa  by  de  Morgan,  having  been 
carried  away  by  the  Elamites.  The  discovery  at 
Nippur,  therefore,  of  about  18,000  clay  tablets  and 
fragments  of  tablets,  large  and  small,  baked  and 
unbaked,  belonging  to  this  dark  period,  must  be 
heartily  welcomed  by  scholars;  although  the  in- 
scriptions only  represent  the  records  of   the  temple 


Babylonian  Temple  Records  289 

revenues,  and  their  disbursement.  But,  while  they 
are  disappointing  in  not  throwing  much  light 
upon  historical  questions,  they  throw  considerable 
upon  the  nomenclature  and  incidentally  upon 
religious  questions,  as  well  as  enable  us  to  gather 
much  data  for  a  better  understanding  of  the  inner 
workings  of  an  ancient  temple,  especially  as  regards 
its  maintenance.  While  there  is  no  connection 
whatever  with  the  Hebrew  temple,  which  belongs 
to  a  later  period,  these  documents  will  at  least 
illustrate  how  the  administrative  affairs  of  such  an 
institution  were  conducted,  especially  w^hen  it  was 
maintained  by  the  tithes  of  the  people. 

On  the  second  campaign  of  the  excavations  at 
Nippur,  in  1890,  Doctor  Peters  discovered  a  large 
collection  of  thoroughly-baked  tablets,  a  good  many 
of  which  were  dated  in  the  reigns  of  these  Cassite 
rulers.  They  were  found  at  a  little  distance  from 
the  southwest  wall  of  the  palace,  known  as  the 
"  Court  of  Columns,  "  in  the  western  half  of  the  city. 
About  three  years  later.  Doctor  Haynes  resumed 
active  explorations  at  this  as  well  as  at  another 
point,  in  the  southern  part  of  the  city  where  excava- 
tions had  also  been  previously  made.  Thousands 
of  tablets  and  fragments  were  recovered  from  the 
ruins  of  these  mounds.  Several  rooms  of  an  ancient 
palace  were  explored,  which  turned  out  to  be  archive 
rooms  where  the  temple  records  were  kept.  The 
tablets  were  preserved  in  the  very  position  in  which 
they  were  left  when  the  building  was  destroyed. 

19 


290  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

He  found  some  "placed  on  their  edges,  redining 
against  each  other,  Hke  a  shelf  of  leaning  books 
in  an  ill-kept  library  of  to-day.  In  other  instances 
the  tablets  were  found  in  great  confusion,  showing 
that  at  the  time  when  they  were  buried,  they  had 
fallen  [perhaps  from  wooden  shelves]  into  the  debris 
which  covered  them."^  Most  of  these  tablets  are 
unbaked. 

All  the  dated  tablets  belong  to  the  latter  half  of 
the  second  millennium  before  Christ.  Most  of  the 
tablets  found  belong  to  the  reigns  of  the  following 
rulers:  Burna-Buriash  II,  Kuri-Galzu  II,  Nazi- 
Maruttash,  Kadashman-Turgu,  Kadashman-Bel  II, 
Kudur-Bel,  Shagarakti-Shuriash,  and  Bitiliash.  A 
great  many  do  not  bear  dates,  and  others  do  not 
mention  the  name  of  the  king,  but  only  the  year, 
month,  and  day  of  the  reign  in  which  they  were 
written.  These  can  be  assigned  generally  to  the 
reigns  mentioned,  because  they  were  found  inter- 
mingled with  the  others,  in  the  same  archives; 
because  they  have  the  same  general  appearance  as. 
regards  the  form  and  texture  of  clay ;  but  especially 
because  the  same  officers  mentioned  in  them  appear 
in  those   having  complete   dates. 

After  studying  these  tablets,  I  came  to  the  con- 
clusion"  that   they   are   temple   administrative   ac- 

^  From  the  diary  kept  by  Doctor  Haynes  on  the  scene  of 
operations. 

'^  See  Documents  from  the  Temple  Archives  of  Nippur, 
Vols.  XIV  and  XV  of  the  Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  Uni- 


Babylonian  Temple  Records  291 

counts,  which  were  kept  in  connection  w4th  the 
collection  and  disbursement  of  the  revenues  gathered 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  sanctuary.  In  other 
w^ords,  they  are  records  of  temple  taxes  collected 
from  the  outlying  towns  and  districts  about  Nippur ; 
commercial  transactions  conducted  by  the  officials 
of  the  temple,  in  which  they  used  the  revenues  as 
capital;  and  pay-rolls  of  all  in  the  temple  service, 
from  the  head  official  of  the  storehouse,  the  priest, 
the  warden,  down  to  the  lowest  servant. 

Those  dealing  with  the  receipt  of  revenues  throw 
little  light  upon  the  question  as  to  how  the  taxes 
were  levied.  The  revenues  are  designated  as  the 
full  tax,  the  maintenance  tax,  or  so  many  qa  tax 
{i.e.,  from  four  to  twelve  qa),  etc.  This  qa  is  a 
fraction  of  the  gur  (=i8o  qa),  a  dry  measure;  but 
in  these  records  it  refers  to  animals  and  liquids,  as 


versity  of  Pennsylvania.  The  documents  are  written  in  the 
Babylonian  language,  with  the  exception  of  certain  Sumerian 
phrases,  which  were  frequently  used.  At  Nippur  the  temple 
documents  of  an  earlier  period  seem  to  have  been  written 
entirely  in  Sumerian.  At  Telloh  upwards  of  30,000  tablets 
from  the  temple  archives  have  been  found.  These  are  written 
in  Sumerian.  Several  publications  of  them  have  already  ap- 
peared: Arnold,  Ancient  Babylonian  Temple  Records  (1896); 
Reisner,  Tcmpcliirkundcn  aus  Telloh  (1901);  Thureau-Dangin, 
Reciieil  de  Tahlettcs  Chaldecnncs  (1903);  ViroUeaud,  Compta- 
biliie  Chaldecnne  (1903);  British  Museum  Series  of  Cuneiform 
Texts;  Barton,  Haverford  Library  Collection  of  Cuneiform 
Tablets  (1906).  Hundreds  of  Neo-Babylonian  documents  of 
the  same  general  character  have  been  published  by  Father 
Strassmaier.   under  the  title  Babylonische  Texts. 


292  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

well  as  cereals,  for  the  tax  was  paid  in  kind.  It 
may  refer  to  a  percentage  of  the  amount  harvested 
by  the  people  of  the  district;  or  it  may  have  been 
per  capita.  It  is,  however,  more  likely  an  income 
tax,  which  had  been  levied  upon  the  lands  in  and 
about  Nippur  for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple, 
a  custom  with  which  we  are  familiar  in  modern 
times  in  certain  countries.  By  the  number  of  qa 
mentioned,  we  are  to  understand  perhaps  that  the 
4  qa  tax  was  for  fallow  lands,  or  for  the  minimum 
which  those  less  prosperous  were  allowed  to  pay; 
while  the  lo  qa  or  full  tax,  was  for  arable  lands. 
In  other  words,  the  lower  amount  was  what  the  poor 
man  was  permitted  to  pay,  a  privilege  enjoyed  not 
only  in  Babylonia,  but  in  Israel  as  well. 

In  a  number  of  tablets,  the  purpose  of  the  tax  is 
set  forth;  for  instance,  in  some  it  is  recorded  as 
having  been  given  for  the  priests;  in  others,  for 
temple  servants,  or  salaries  of  the  storehouse 
officials;  or  for  the  maintenance  expenses  in  general. 

That  these  documents  are  records  of  temple 
revenues  is  clear  from  expressions  found  in  them. 
Payments,  for  instance,  are  made  out  of  the  funds 
called  "the  temple  stipends;"  or  out  of  the  "full 
tax  of  the  house  of  god."  Then  also  they  are  made 
to  the  "male  and  female  temple  servants,"  besides 
the  priests,  temple-gatemen,  singers,  seers  and 
seeresses,  etc. 

A  great  many  towns  are  mentioned  whence  the 
income  was  received.    They  were  apparently  hamlets 


Topographical  map  showing  towns,  canals,  and  a  road  in  the  vicinity  of  Nippur. 
On  the  left  edge  an  additional  town  is  represented. 


294  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

and  villages  belonging  to  the  environs  of  Nippur. 
On  a  topographical  map  ^  discovered  by  Doctor 
Haynes  somewhere  at  Nippur,  during  the  third 
campaign,  the  relative  positions  of  no  less  than  eight 
towns  are  given,  indicating  also  canals  and  a  road 
upon  which  they  were  situated.  Three  of  the  towns 
of  this  map  are  mentioned  in  these  records.  Doubt- 
less in  the  archive  room  where  the  temple  records 
were  kept,  a  complete  set  of  such  maps  of  the  entire 
district  about  Nippur  was  to  be  found,  especially 
of  those  towns  whence  the  incoming  revenues  were 
derived. 

The  taxes  collected  were  deposited  in  the  town 
storehouse  or  treasury,  where  they  were  stored  until 
needed.  A  good  many  of  the  towns  seem  to  have  had 
granaries.  Several  large  storehouses  existed  in 
Nippur,  two  of  which,  perhaps,  are  to  be  seen  on 
another  topographical  map,  which  is  of  Nippur 
proper.  If  this  conjecture,  after  the  map  has  been 
cleaned  and  studied  proves  correct,  they  were 
situated  to  the  north  of  the  temple  (see  page  iii): 
In  most  of  the  records,  the  storehouse  whence  the 
property  was  taken  is  mentioned,  as  well  as  the  kind 
of  tax.  These  facts  were  doubtless  recorded  to  show 
what  disposition  had  been  made  of  the  revenues. 
In  fact,  the  recording  of  such  data  served  a  number 
of  purposes. 

'  Published  by  the  writer  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Depart- 
ment  of  Archeology,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Vol.   i,  part  3 

p.    223f. 


Babylonian  Temple  Records  295 

To  illustrate  the  general  character  of  these  records, 
the  following  translations  are  offered.  The  first 
two  record  the  receipt  of  revenues. 

Corn,  the  full  tax, which  Khunnubi  [the  agent]  brought 
from  the  town  Kalbia.  33  giir  from  Bit-Marduk- 
nishu,  ^^  giir  150  qa  from  Bit-Gimillum.  Total  67  gur 
120  qa.  The  month  Sivan,  day  ninth,  year  twenty- 
first.      (Vol.  XV,  No.  113)^ 

25  gur  of  grain  of  the  lo  qa  tax  from  the  town 
Kandure  Sin-issakhra  [the  agent]  brought  to  the  temple 
(Hterally  house).  The  month  Shebet,  year  fifteenth. 
(Vol.  XV,  No.  89). 

These  two  officials,  who  figure  very  prominently  in 
these  texts,  doubtless  acted  as  agents  in  the  collec- 
tion of  certain  revenues  which  were  due,  but  which 
had  not  been  paid. 

The  following  refer  to  business  transactions 
conducted  by  the  officials  in  the  interest  of  the  temple, 
with  the  revenues  as  capital.  Loans  of  various  kinds 
were  made  by  the  temple  officers.  When  the  people, 
for  instance,  needed  assistance,  they  went  to  the 
temple  to  borrow  grain  in  order  to  sow  their  fields. 
Interest,  contrary  to  what  some  have  claimed, 
was  exacted  from  them.  In  some  of  the  records  of 
loans,  this  condition  is  stipulated.  The  time  fixed 
for  the  payment  of  such  loans  was  generally  on  the 
day  of  harvest. 

^  These  references  are  to  tablets  published  in  Documents 
from  the  Temple  Archives  of  Nippur,  dated  in  the  reign  of  Cassite 
rulers.  Volumes  XIV  and  XV  of  the  Babylonian  Expedition  of 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 


296  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

One  giir  of  grain,  of  the  full  tax,  in  shapiltu,  with 
interest,  from  the  storehouse,  is  at  the  disposal  of 
Burra-Ishtar,  son  of  Ushbi-Sakh.  On  the  day  of  his 
harvest,  the  grain  and  its  interest,  he  shall  pay. 

Before  Sin-issakhra,  [the  witness],  before  Ramman- 
eresh  the  measurer.  The  month  Ab,  year  twelfth. 
The  sisiktu  [instead  of  the  seal]  of  Burra-Ishtar.  (Vol. 
XV,  30). 

This  is  a  case  tablet.  The  tablet  proper  does  not 
have  the  names  of  the  witnesses,  nor  does  it  refer 
to  the  substitute  sisiktu  which  had  been  used  instead 
of  the  seal.  On  the  case  is  a  clearly-defined  small 
hole,  made  while  the  clay  was  soft,  by  something 
called  sisiktu  (see  page  175). 

I  gur  12  qa  oi  grain  of  the  6  qa  tax  in  shapiltu  is  in 
the  possession  of  Sin-damaqu.  The  horse-feed  he  shall 
pay;  whereupon  his  seal  he  shall  break.  The  month 
Shebet,  day  twenty-eighth  of  the  year  fifteenth.  Seal 
of  Sin-damaqu.     (Vol.  XV.  49). 

Seal  impressions  were  occasionally  made  on  the 
tablets  of  this  period.  This  one  may  have  been 
encased,  but  it  has  the  general  appearance  of  being 
a  tablet  which  had  not  been  enveloped.  The  ex- 
pression "break  the  seal"  meant  the  destroying 
of  the  tablet  which  recorded  the  debt  and  which  had 
upon  it  the  impression  of  the  man's  seal.  Doubtless 
when  the  debt  was  satisfied  the  case  bearing  the 
individual's  seal  was  broken  off,  but  the  tablet 
proper  was  preserved  in  the  archives  as  a  record  of 
the  transaction. 

The  following  is  an  inventory  of  sheep  and  goats 


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298  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

(temple  property)  which  the  officials  rented  to  an 
individual  for  stock  raising.  The  document  fully 
stipulates  what  the  amount  of  rent  was  to  be. 
It  is  dated  in  the  fifth  year  of  Nazi-Maruttash : 

Forty-seven  sheep  [male],  twenty-eight  large  females, 
seven  [male],  seven  suckling  females.  Total,  eighty- 
nine  sheep,  thirty-four  large  goats  [male],  thirty-one 
female,  seven  male  kids,  eight  female  goats.  Total, 
eighty  goats.  Sum  total,  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine 
Klcinvieh.  [For  one  hundred  and  sixty-nine]  sheqels 
of  wool;  {i.e.,  for)  one  sheep,  one  sheqel;  forty-four 
and  one-half  minas  of  wool;  twenty  minas  of  goat  wool; 
they  are  at  the  disposal  of  Raba-sha-Ninib.  All  his 
hides  he  shall  weigh;  sinews  and  fat  of  sheep,  two 
perfect  goat  hides;  one  perfect  garment,  he  shall 
pay.     (Vol.  XIV,  No.  48). 

The  bulk  of  these  archives  are  receipts  for  amounts 
paid  to  the  temple  officials  in  salaries,  for  general 
supplies,  or  for  work  done.  In  other  words  they  are 
pay-rolls.  The  privilege  of  service  in  the  temple 
was  in  many  cases  hereditary.  Certain  families 
were  entitled  to  fill  offices,  because  of  service  that 
was  rendered  the  state  or  the  temple  by  them  or 
by  an  ancestor.  In  the  days  of  Arioch  two  in- 
dividuals, Sin-imguranni  and  Sin-uzili,  had  their 
rights  confirmed,  which  were  for  five  days'  service 
each  year  in  the  temple  of  Belit,  and  eight  days  in 
the  shrine  of  Gula,  respectively.  Other  references 
to  similar  rights  to  act  in  the  capacity  of  an  official 
are  on  record.  There  was  a  whole  host  of  tradesmen 
and  functionaries  in  connection  with  the  temple. 
Besides    the    priest,    elder,    seer,    seeress,    sorcerer. 


Babylonian  Temple  Records  299 

singer,  etc.,  there  were  the  farmer,  weaver,  miller, 
carpenter,  smith,  butcher,  baker,  potter,  overseer, 
scribe,  measurer,  watchman,  etc. 

In  this  series  of  documents,  i.e.  which  contain 
payments  of  salaries  there  are  two  tablets  which  are 
quite  similar,  the  one  having  been  written  two 
years  after  the  other.  One  individual,  however,  had 
died  during  the  intervening  time.  The  salary  of  one 
man  had  been  reduced  from  36  ^a  to  24  ^a  per  month, 
while  that  of  another  had  been  raised  from  30  g'a 
to  36  qa.  Only  one  name  is  changed.  A  man  is 
replaced  by  a  woman  at  the  same  salary  of  30  qa 
per  month.  These  tablets  record  the  payments  made 
for  the  first  seven  months  of  the  year.  The  grant 
to  render  service  may  have  been  only  for  that 
length  of  time  each  year. 

These  rights  were  negotiable,  as  they  could  be 
sold,  traded,  or  pledged,  doubtless  subject  to  a 
reversion  to  the  owner  at  a  fixed  time.  In  these 
pay-rolls  there  are  certain  individuals  whose  names 
occur  repeatedly  in  the  same  document.  Doubtless 
they  made  a  business  of  leasing  temple  allowances 
from  individuals,  furnishing  substitutes  where  it 
was  necessary  to  render  service.  Certain  grants 
that  are  on  record  carefully  stipulate  that  the  right 
could   not  be   sold,   but  became   hereditary. 

A  great  many  names  in  the  pay-rolls  have  Mar 
or  Marat  prefixed,  meaning  "son"  and  "daughter," 
like  Scotch  names  with  Mac.  In  case  a  son  of 
Irimshu-Ninib  filled  the  office,  he  was  called  Mar- 


300  Lidit  on  the  Old  Testament 


'to 


Irimshu-Ninib,  representing  thus  the  name  of  the 
head  of  the  family, who  may  have  been  deceased.  The 
transliteration,  and  in  part  translation  on  pages  302 
and  303,  is  of  one  of  the  finest  specimens  of  this  class 
of  documents  that  has  found  its  way  to  Philadel- 
phia (see  opposite  page) .  It  records  the  payment  of 
grain  and  dates  as  temple  stipends  for  twelve  months. 
In  the  first  line  the  names  of  the  months  are  given. 
In  the  first  six  columns  are  recorded  that  which  was 
paid  for  the  first  six  months.  In  the  seventh,  the 
total  (napl^ar)  for  the  first  half  year  is  given.  In 
the  fourteenth,  the  total  for  the  second  half  year; 
and  in  the  fifteenth  the  amount  for  the  entire  year. 
In  the  next  column,  awtlutum  means  "men."  In 
this  column,  the  stage  in  life  of  the  individual  whose 
name  appears  in  the  following  is  given.  If  he  or 
she  were  a  member  of  a  family  the  relation  of  the 
recipient  to  the  head  of  the  family  is  indicated. 
KAL  means  "adult;  "  SAL,  or  the  feminine  determi- 
native, "woman;"  KAL-TUR,  "adult  son;"  SAL- 
TUR,  "adult  daughter;"  KAL-TUR-TUR,  "adult 
grandson;"  TUR-GAB,  "boy;"  SAL-TUR-GAB, 
"girl."  In  this  column  also  are  found  the  words 
BAD,  "deceased,"  and  HA-A,  "fugitive."  It  will 
be  noticed  that  no  amounts  are  recorded  as  having 
been  paid  the  individuals  before  whom  these  two 
words  are  written.  At  the  top  of  the  last  column, 
MU-BI-im  means  "his  name,"  but  here  stands  for 
"their  names."  In  this  column  the  names  of  the 
beneficiaries  are  recorded.    In  a  number  of  instances, 


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Transliteration  (in  part  translation)  of  the  Document,  found  on  the  previous  page, 


u 


■I  ■- 


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S  "  E  = 


I?" 

'■St 


Is  I! 


TT 


-El 


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II  :  : 


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8  g  !3  S  '  -fc 

recording  the  payment  of  Temple  Stipends  for  twelve  months. 


304  Lio-lit  on  the  Old  Testament 


"& 


the  office  represented  by  the  individual  follows  the 
name,  as  gate-watchman,  weaver,  seeress,  etc. 
Whole  families  are  mentioned  as  receiving  stipends. 
The  name  of  the  individual  in  line  five  is  followed  by 
wife,   daughter,   two   sons,   and  a  grandson. 

In  line  eight,  after  the  name  is  w^ritten  ^dtu 
Tashrttu  }iarrdnn,  "from  Tishri,  road."  Nothing 
was  paid  the  individual  from  that  month.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  he  had  leave  of  absence ;  perhaps 
he  was  on  a  mission  in  the  interest  of  the  temple. 
Others  (see  line  13,  etc.)  were  absent  for  the  entire 
year. 

Beneath  naphar  in  the  seventh  column  the  line 
means,  "what  was  received  from  Khunabi,"  the 
bursar.  The  lines  beginning  beneath  the  second 
napjiar  in  the  same  line  read:  "grain  which  is  out 
of  the  gate  [storehouse],  which  is  out  of  the  grain 
received  from  the  town  Zarat-Im.  In  the  forty- 
seventh  line,  the  totals  paid  to  all  during  the  first 
month  are  given;  also  the  total  for  the  first  six 
months;  and  the  total  for  the  second  six,  which  is' 
followed  by  the  sum  total.  The  little  note  in  con- 
nection with  the  total  for  the  first  six  months  reads : 
that  "which  was  paid  out  of  the  grain  of  Khunabi." 
The  next  note  reads  "that  which  was  out  of  the 
grain  of  the  gate  storehouse,  from  Zarat-Im,  and 
dates  from  Tamtu.  The  number  38  in  the  next 
column  refers  to  the  actual  number  in  the  service. 
In  all  there  are  forty-six  names  in  the  list,  but  eight 
were  dead  or  fugitives.     The  last  two  lines  read: 


,#^>f5#^^^|,. 


'JU'liiiE 


$w^^mfm;^^mmm^. 


if^Sf^'"'^ 


These  two  documents  are  dated  in  the  yth  and  9th  months  of  the  14th  year  of 
Nazi-Maruttash.  They  record  payments  made  to  the  heads  of  the  same  families 
mentioned  in  the  larger  document  of  the  previous  year  (see  p.  301),  but  only  for  a 
month  and  a  fraction. 

20 


306  Lidit  on  the  Old  Testament 


& 


"Grain  of  the  6  qa  tax,  which  is  from  the  month 
Nisan  of  the  thirteenth  year,  unto  Adar,.  of  the 
fourteenth  year  of  Nazi-Maruttash ;  from  the  seed 
which  was  given  into  the  hands  of  Khunabi;  from 
the  grain  out  of  the  gate  [storehouse],  of  the  seed 
from  Zarat-Im,  and  dates  from  Tamtu."  This 
lengthy  record  is  therefore  a  statement  of  the  temple 
bursar  of  amounts  paid  to  a  group  of  temple  bene- 
ficiaries for  a  period  of  one  year,  as  well  as  the  sources 
from  which  the  revenues  were  received.  What 
relation  the  recipients  bear  to  the  entire  number 
of  temple  functionaries  is  not  known.  In  several 
other  documents  of  the  following  years,  which  were 
only  for  a  month  and  a  fraction,  this  same  group  of 
persons,  with  some  changes,  received  stipends.  But 
instead  of  giving  the  name  of  each  member  of  the 
families,  the  word  qinnu,  "family,"  precedes  the 
name  of  the  pater  or  mater  familias,  to  whom  the 
full  amount  was  paid.  Doubtless  at  the  end  of  the 
year  statements  similar  to  the  previous  one  discussed 
were  drawn  up  for  the  entire  year. 

A  large  number  of  the  smaller  documents,  found 
among  the  archives,  are  records  of  salaries  which 
were  paid  to  the  head  officials  of  the  institution. 

31  giir  30  qa  of  grain,  food  for  horses,  out  of  the 
maintenance  tax;  19  sheep,  21  lambs,  salary,  from 
the  month  Tebet  unto  the  fourth  day  of  Nisan  (for) 
Innannu.  Month  Nisan:  day  fourth,  year  first.  (Vol. 
XV,  No.  I.) 

2  gur  60  qa  grain  out  of  the  maintenance  tax,  2  sheep, 
2  lambs  as  salary  for  Innannu.     (Vol.  XV,  No.  2.) 


Babylonian  Temple  Records 


307 


Innannu  was  one  of  the  head  officials  of  the  store- 
house. With  the  possible  exception  of  one  passage 
in  which  "scribe"  follows  the  name  Innannu,  no 
title  is  found  in  connection  with  his  name,  which 
occurs   hundreds   of   times.      He   is   represented   as 


Receipts  or  records  of  payments  made  by  the  administrative  department  of 
the  temple.  Hundreds  of  documents  of  this  size  and  character  were  found  in  the 
archives. 


receiving  taxes,  making  disbursements  and  loans. 
During  the  time  he  administered  affairs,  he  seems 
to  have  been  at  the  head  of  the  department.  The 
name  of  others  who  succeeded  him  become  well 
known  from  the  texts,  only,  however,  in  business 
transactions.      Practically    nothing    of    a    personal 


308  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

character  concerning  these  individuals  becomes 
known  to  us  through  the  inscriptions  that  have 
been  pubhshed. 

Usually  the  seal  impression  of  another  is  made 
upon  this  class  of  documents,  evidently  by  an 
officer  who  delivered  the  articles  mentioned  at  the 
residence  of  the  official,  and  who  was  required  to 
leave  the  impression  of  his  seal  upon  the  record  of 
payment  which  was  held  by  the  bursar.  This  was 
a  guarantee  that  the  delivery  officer  had  paid  the 
amount. 

Some  of  the  pay-rolls  were  quite  lengthy.  They 
seem  to  have  been  copied  frequently  from  year  to 
year  from  earlier  lists  and  then  what  was  paid  was 
checked  off.  The  nature  of  the  writing  material, 
being  clay,  made  it  necessary  to  write  the  tablet  at 
one  sitting.  Of  course  it  was  possible  to  wrap  the 
tablet  in  a  damp  cloth,  and  lay  it  aside  temporarily, 
thus  preventing  it  from  hardening.  This  is  clearly 
shown  to  have  been  done,  as  is  determined  by  cloth 
marks,  and  also  by  the  marks  made  upon  the  tablets 
in  checking  off  the  amounts  paid;  for  some  were 
made  after  the  tablets  were  almost  hard.  But  the 
indications  are  that  the  scribes  usually  finished 
writing  tablets  before  they  laid  them  aside.  Some 
lists,  as  above,  contain  many  names  and  amounts 
which  were  paid  to  individuals ;  in  some  cases  what 
was  received  for  a  number  of  months.  To  indicate 
what  was  actually  paid  small  holes,  round  or  semi- 
spherical,  before  the  name  or  amounts  were  made. 


Record  of  salary  payments  made  to  priests  in  the  Temple  service.    The  small 
holes  are  checkmarks  used  to  check  off  the  amounts  paid. 


310  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

These  I  have  determined  to  be  check-marks/ 
It  is  not  unhkely  that  the  upper  end  of  the  stylus 
was  used  to  make  these  indentures. 

These  documents,  as  well  as  many  others  dis- 
covered in  other  ancient  Babylonian  cities,  show 
how  carefully  the  business  affairs  of  the  temple 
were  conducted.  Among  the  records  also  are  a 
number  of  letters  representing  the  official  corres- 
pondence of  the  heads  of  this  executive  department 
of  the  temple,  but  these  have  not  yet  been 
deciphered. 

It  will  be  readily  seen  that  these  administrative 
documents  show  that  the  affairs  of  the  Babylonian 
temple  of  the  second  millennium  B.C.  were  con- 
ducted along  lines  similar  to  those  of  some  modern 
religious  institutions  with  which  we  are  acquainted. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  temple  at  Jerusalem 
was  conducted  in  a  similar  manner;  and  that  were 
we  able  to  recover  any  of  the  records,  which  in  all 
probability  were  written  on  perishable  material, 
they  would  resemble  in  many  ways  those  found  at 
Nippur  and  other   Babylonian  cities. 

The  study  of  these  documents  has  resulted  also  in 
the  determination  of  some  technical  details,  such  as 
the  discovery  of  two  new  cuneiform  characters  and 
their  values,  besides  additional  values  for  hitherto 
unknown  signs,  a  large  number  of  new  Cassite 
words,  and  more  than  a  score  of  names  and  epithets 


^  See    Documents    from    the    Temple   Archives   of    Nippur, 
Vol.  XIV,  p.  1 6. 


Record  of  payments  made  to  the  Temple  and  different  shrines  of  Nippur. 


312  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

of  gods.  Among  the  pubHshed  documents  also  are 
a  number  of  private  contracts,  the  provenience  of 
which  is  unknown,  but  which  may  have  come  from 
the  office  of  the  temple  recorder ;  and  also  an  inter- 
esting tablet,  which  is  a  report  of  an  examination  of 
a  sheep's  liver  for  divination  purposes.  It  is  quite 
probable  that  it  is  a  report  of  an  examination  to 
a  high  functionary,  perhaps  the  king,  who  abode  in 
Dur-Kurigalzu  near  Nippur,  which  preceded  some 
official  act,  and  in  regard  to  which  it  was  important 
to  determine  in  advance  the  disposition  of  the  gods. 


XIII 

THE  ASSYRIAN  HISTORICAL 
INSCRIPTIONS 

To  Assyria  more  than  to  any  other  country  do  we 
look  for  archeological  data  which  furnish  points  of 
contact  by  yielding  parallel  accounts  of  events 
recorded,  as  well  as  by  the  help  of  which  the  pages 
of  the  Old  Testament  are  illuminated.  It  is  to  the 
Assyrian  period  that  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
Old  Testament  refers.  No  less  than  six  Assyrian 
rulers  are  mentioned  by  name:  Tiglathpileser  (or 
Pul),  Shalmaneser  (IV),  Sargon,  Sennacherib,  Esar- 
haddon  and  Asnapper  (Ashurbanipal).  It  must  be 
regarded  as  an  interesting  fact  that  nearly  every 
reference  made  in  the  Old  Testament  to  these 
rulers  is  in  some  way  touched  upon  in  their 
annals. 

With  the  exception  of  the  invasion  by  Shishak 
(Shashank  I)  recorded  in  i  Kings  14:  25  and  follow- 
ing, and  which  is  also  recorded  on  the  temple  wall 
at  Karnak,  Israel  was  left  unmolested  by  Egypt 
after  the  time  of  Pharaoh  Merneptah.  Babylonia 
had  become  a  second  rate  power.  Assyria,  of  which 
we  hear  for  the  first  time  in  the  days  of  Hammurabi, 

313 


314  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

had  by  this  time  developed  into  a  world-conquering 
nation,  and  was  in  a  position  to  play  an  impor- 
tant role  among  the  nations. 

Under  Tukulti-Ninib  (890-885)  Assyria  entered 
upon  the  most  brilliant  period  of  its  history.  Baby- 
lonia was  annexed.  The  forced  rule  lasted  seven 
years,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  subjects  of 
Tukulti-Ninib,  under  the  leadership  of  his  own  son, 
rebelled.  In  the  civil  war  w^hich  followed,  the  king 
was  killed.  His  son  and  successor,  Ashur-nasir- 
apal  (884-860),  did  not  attempt  to  continue  the 
rule  over  Babylonia,  but  carried  his  work  of  con- 
quest into  the  North  and  West.  Tyre  and  Sidon, 
when  he  reached  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
paid  him  tribute.  Samaria  at  this  time  was  not 
molested,  but  the  disintegration  of  the  surrounding 
kingdoms  was  bound  sooner  or  later  to  involve  the 
Israelites  as  well,  when  the  ambitious  enemy  of  the 
Tigris  valley,  in  his  efforts  to  extend  his  rule 
throughout  Western  Asia,  directed  his  attention  to 
the  overthrow  of  their  fortified  cities.  The  begin-^ 
ning  of  the  end  of  Israel  took  place  in  the  reign 
which  followed. 

Shalmaneser  II  (860-824)  devoted  a  good  deal 
of  his  long  rule  to  the  establishment  of  his  power 
in  the  West.  In  the  mountains  of  Armenia,  at  a 
place  called  Kurkh,  south  of  Diarbekir,  a  long  mono- 
lith inscription  was  erected  by  the  king,  in  order  to 
commemorate  his  deeds.  This  is  now  in  the  British 
Museum.     In  it  he  informs  us  that  after  setting  out 


Assyrian  Inscriptions 


315 


from  the  Euphrates,  in  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign, 
he  approached  Khalman  (Aleppo) ,  where  he  received 


The  Assyrians  besieging  a  walled  city. 

tribute.    He  then  advanced  to  the  cities  of  Irkhuleni 
of  Hamath : 


316  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Adenu,  Barga,  Argana,  his  royal  city,  I  conquered; 
his  spoil,  his  property,  the  possessions  of  his  palaces  I 
brought  forth;  to  his  palaces  I  set  fire.  I  departed 
from  Argana,  and  came  to  Qarqar.  Qarqar,  his  royal 
city,  I  destroyed,  I  devastated,  with  fire  I  burned.  1,200 
chariots,  1,200  saddle-horses,  20,000  men  of  Adad-'idri 
(biblical  Ben-hadad  II)  of  Damascus,  700  chariots, 
700  saddle-horses,  10,000  men  of  Irkhuleni  of  Khamath, 
2,000  chariots,  10,000  men  of  Ahab  of  Israel  (A-kha-ab- 
bu  mat  Sir-'i-la-ai),  500  men  of  Gue,  1,000  of  Mutsri,  10 
chariots,  10,000  men  of  Irqanat,  200  men  of  Matinu- 
Ba'li,  of  Arvad,  200  men  of  Usanata,  30  chariots,  10,000 
menof  Adunu-Ba'liof  Shianu,  1,000  camels  of  Gindibu'u, 
of  Ar bu,  1,000  men  of  Ba'sha,  son  of  Rukhubi  of  Ammon ; 
these  twelve  kings  he  took  to  help  him;  to  make  war 
and  battle  they  came  to  meet  me.  With  the  splendid 
forces  which  Ashur  the  lord  had  given,  with  the  mighty 
weapons,  which  Nergal,  who  marches  before  me,  had 
presented,  I  fought  with  them;  from  Qarqar  to  Gilzau 
their  defeat  I  established.  14,000  soldiers,  their  fighting 
men  with  the  sword  I  laid  low  with  [myj  weapons,  etc. 

In  this  inscription  we  have  the  first  mention  of 
Israel  that  has  been  found  in  the  Assyrian  inscrip- 
tions. The  information  gained  is  especially  valuable, 
as  the  alliance  with  the  other  kings  and  the  conflict 
with  Shalmaneser  II  is  not  recorded  in  the  Old 
Testament.  The  obelisk,  mentioned  below,  gives 
a  resume  of  this  campaign,  and  fixes  the  number 
killed  at  20,500;  and  still  another  inscription  at 
25,000.  As  usual,  the  Assyrian  losses  are  not  given. 
There  is  little  doubt  but  that  the  armies  of  the  allies 
were  defeated,  and  even  the  confederation  broken 
up ;  but  as  there  is  no  claim  of  territory  having  been 
acquired;  or    that    tribute    was    exacted;  or    that 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  317 

booty  was  carried  away,  the  real  issue  was  not  as 
advantageous  to  the  Assyrians  as  the  chronicler 
would  have  the  reader  of  his  annals  infer. 

No  reference  is  made  in  the  Old  Testament  to 
Ahab's  alliance  with  Syria,  or  to  other  kings 
who  were  routed  by  Shalmaneser.  The  account 
given  in  i  Kings  20  concerning  the  conflict  of  Ahab 
with  Ben-Hadad  must  be  understood  to  belong  to 
the  period  prior  to  their  alliance  against  the  Assyrian 
king.  The  book  of  Kings  represents  Ben-Hadad 
surrendering  to  Ahab  with  a  rope  about  his  neck, 
after  which  he  promised  to  restore  the  cities  taken 
from  Israel  by  his  father,  and  to  allow  Ahab  to  build 
streets  in  Damascus.  The  latter  doubtless  readily 
agreed  to  such  conditions  because  he  recognized 
that  difficulties  were  in  store  for  the  Western  nations 
at  the  hands  of  Assyrians;  and  he  felt  that  for 
prudential  purposes  it  was  better  for  him  to  permit 
Syria,  which  lay  between  him  and  Assyria,  to  main- 
tain its  strength ;  and  to  be  allied  with  that  nation, 
rather  than  be  at  war  with  it.  When,  therefore, 
Shalmaneser  entered  this  region  on  a  campaign  of 
conquest,  Ben-Hadad,  Irkhuleni,  Ahab,  and  others 
were  ready  to  meet  him.  The  alliance  however, 
seems  to  have  been  broken  up  by  the  defeat 
which  Shalmaneser  inflicted  upon  them. 

In  the  identification  of  Ahabbu  with  Ahab,  in 
this  inscription,  we  have  an  additional  chronicle 
of  the  kings  of  Israel,  which  may  have  had  very 
far-reaching   consequences   had   Shalmaneser    been 


318  Liirht  on  the  Old  Testament 


•fc> 


entirely  successful;  for  Israel  might  then  have 
lost  its  independence.  The  Hebrew  chronicler  does 
not  mention  the  event.  Perhaps  it  was  because  the 
people  were  not  in  sympathy  with  such  an  alliance, 
and  the  battle  had  involved  only  the  army,  w^hich 
fought  far  beyond  the  confines  of  the  land.  Israel, 
under  Jehu,  paid  tribute  to  Shalmaneser,  and  this 
also  was  omitted  in  the  brief  extracts  w^hich  are  pre- 
served in  the  Old  Testament  of  the  annals  of  these 
reigns. 

In  the  Old  Testament,  the  king  of  Syria  is  called 
Ben-Hadad,  w^hile  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  he 
is  called  Adad-'idri.  The  full  name  of  the  king 
doubtless  was  Ben-Hadad-'idri.  The  Assyrian  has 
preserved  the  latter  part  of  the  name,  while  the 
Hebrew  simply  the  name  of  the  deity.  Names 
compounded  with  Ben-Hadad  are  known  from  the 
contract  literature,  for  example :  Ben-Addu-natan, 
and  Ben-Addu-amara. 

Five  years  later  the  land  of  Hamath  is  again 
attacked.  Shalmaneser  is  again  confronted  by 
twelve  allies,  under  the  leadership  of  Ben-Hadad  II 
of  Damascus  and  Irkhuleni  of  Hamath ;  but  the 
king  of  Israel  is  not  among  them.  The  Assyrians 
claim  to  have  slain  ten  thousand  in  this  battle  but 
again  no  important  advantage  is  gained.  The 
conclusion  we  must  draw  is  that  the  allies  were  able 
to  resist  the  advances  of  the  Assyrians.  Several 
years  later  another  attempt  w^as  made,  after  his 
army  had  been  greatly  reenforced ;  and   he   informs 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  319 

us  that  he  again  accompHshed  their  defeat.  But 
for  the  same  reasons,  no  other  conclusion  can  be 
reached,  but  that  the  battle  proved  a  draw.  Four 
years  later,  Shalmaneser  tested  once  more  their 
prowess,  but  with  better  success.  Ben-Hadad  II 
was  no  more.  Hazael,  the  usurper,  ruled  in  his 
stead.  The  alliance  with  the  other  kings  appar- 
ently had  been  broken  up.  Hazael  alone  deter- 
mined to  resist  the  Assyrians,  and  at  Saniru  took  a 
stand  (842  B.  C.)  On  a  slab  found  at  Calah,  Shal- 
maneser gives  an  account  of  his  victory. 

In  the  eighteenth  year  of  my  reign,  for  the  sixteenth 
time  I  crossed  the  Euphrates.  Hazael  of  Damascus 
trusted  in  the  mass  of  his  troops,  and  mustered  his  army 
in  great  numbers.  Saniru,  a  mountain  peak,  which  is  at 
the  entrance  of  the  Lebanon  mountain,  he  made  for  his 
stronghold.  With  him  I  fought;  his  defeat  I  established. 
Six  thousand  soldiers,  his  warriors,  with  arms  I  brought 
low.  1,121  of  his  chariots,  470  of  his  riding-horses,  with 
his  camp-baggage,  I  took  from  him.  In  order  to  save 
his  life,  he  made  off.  After  him  I  went.  In  Damascus, 
his  royal  city,  I  besieged  him.  His  plantations  I  cut 
down.  As  far  as  the  mountains  of  Hauran,  I  went. 
Cities  without  number  I  destroyed.  I  devastated,  [and] 
with  fire  I  burned.  Their  spoil,  beyond  reckoning,  I  car- 
ried away.  As  far  as  the  mountain  Ba'lirasi,  which  is  a 
promontory  of  the  sea,  I  went.  The  image  of  my  royalty 
on  it  I  set  up.  At  that  time,  I  received  the  tribute  of 
the  Tyrians  and  Sidonians,  [and]  of  Jehu,  the  son  of 
Omri. 

In  accordance  with  2  Kings  8:15,  Hazael  is 
mentioned  by  Shalmaneser  as  the  successor  of  Ben- 
Hadad.     It  seems  that  the  allies  of  Damascus  had 


320 


Ivight  on  the  Old  Testament 


enough.     Tyre   and   Sidon  preferred  to   send  gifts 
instead  of  continuing  the  conflict.    Jehu,  the  usurper, 


The  black  obelisk  of  Shalmaneser  II. 


perhaps  in  the  hope  of  freeing  himself  from  the 
Syrians,  and  also  because  of  the  alarming  advances 
of   the   formidable   Assyrian,   was   willing   to   send 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  321 

costly  gifts.  This,  apparently,  was  the  first  step 
towards  the  downfall  of  Israel,  for  the  advan- 
tage thus  gained  by  the  Assyrians  assumed  greater 
and  greater  proportions,  until  that  people  was 
finally  absorbed. 

On  the  famous  black  obelisk  which  Layard 
discovered  at  Nimroud,  Shalmaneser  depicted  him- 
self in  bas-relief,  receiving  tribute  from  Jehu.  He 
calls  him  "  son  of  Omri,"  or  "of  the  house  of  Omri ;" 
not  knowing  that  Jehu  had  usurped  the  throne  by 
overthrowing  the  dynasty  of  Omri.  It  is  possible 
also  that  by  the  term  "Omri"  he  means  "Israel;" 
as  for  many  years  the  country  was  known  in 
Assyria  as  Mat  Omri,  "  Land  of  Omri.  "  The  inscrip- 
tion over  the  line  of  bas-relief  referring  to  Israel 
reads : — 

Tribute  of  Jehu,  son  of  Omri:  silver,  gold,  a  golden 
bowl,  a  golden  ladle,  golden  chalices,  golden  buckets, 
lead,  a  staff  for  the  hand  of  the  king,  spear-shafts  (?)  I 
received. 

Hazael,  being  defeated,  fled  to  Damascus,  where 
he  was  besieged  by  the  Assyrians,  but  was 
not  conquered.  Three  years  later,  the  sixth  and 
final,  but  unsuccessful,  attempt  was  made  to  estab- 
lish the  supremacy  of  Assyria  over  Damascus. 

Jehu,  in  seeking  favor  of  Assyria  by  paying  trib- 
ute, did  not  gain  any  special  advantages  over 
the  old  enemy  Syria;  for  in    2    Kings    io:32f  we 

learn  that  Hazael  greatly   humiliated   Israel    after 

21 


322  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Shalmaneser  had  withdrawn.  The  same  is  true  of 
Jehoahaz,  Jehu's  son;  for  Syria,  under  Hazael's  son, 
Ben-Hadad  III,  reduced  Israel,  "and  had  made 
them  to  be  trodden  down  Hke  the  dust. " 

For  about  forty  years  the  West-land  was  left 
unmolested  by  Assyria.  Shamshi-Adad  (824-812) 
succeeded  Shalmaneser.  Although  the  kingdom  had 
been  expanded  farther  than  at  any  previous  time, 
it  now  became  so  contracted  that  the  rulers  con- 
trolled scarcely  anything  beyond  the  immediate 
surroundings  of  their  capitals. 

In  2  Kings  13:  5,  w^e  learn  that  Jehoahaz,  in  his 
dire  extremity  because  of  the  oppression  of  Syria, 
"besought  the  Lord."  "And  the  Lord  gave  Israel  a 
saviour,  so  that  they  went  out  from  under  the  hand 
of  the  Syrians."  The  name  of  the  deliverer  is  not 
mentioned,  but  it  doubtless  was  Adad-nirari  (812- 
783).  In  an  inscription  he  tells  how  he  brought 
into  submission  the  princes  of  the  four  quarters  of 
the  world,  and  how  he  conquered  many  lands, 
among  which  was  Syria. 

As  far  as  the  great  sea  of  the  rising  sun,  from  above 
the  Euphrates,  the  land  of  the  Hittites  and  Amorites  to 
its  entirety,  the  land  of  Tyre,  the  land  of  Zidon,  the 
land  of  Omri,  the  land  of  Edom,  the  land  of  the  Philis- 
tines as  far  as  the  great  sea  of  the  setting  sun,  I  sub- 
jected to  my  feet.  Tribute  and  presents  I  placed  on 
them.  Against  the  land  of  Damascus  I  marched;  Mari, 
the  king  of  Damascus  I  shut  vip  in  Damascus  his  royal 
city.  The  terror  of  the  majesty  of  Ashur,  his  lord,  over- 
whelmed him;  he  embraced  my  feet,  [and]  became  a 
vassal.     2300  talents  of  silver,  20  talents  of  gold,  3000 


The  second  line  of  bas-relief  which  extends  around  the  four  sides  of  the 
obelisk,  recording  the  payment  of  tribute  by  biblical  Jehu  who  prostrates  himself 
before  Shalmaneser. 


324  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

talents  of  copper,  5000  talents  of  iron,  variegated  cloth, 
linen,  an  ivory  bed,  a  seat  with  inlaid  ivory,  a  table,  his 
possessions,  his  property  beyond  reckoning  in  Damascus 
his  royal  city,  in  his  palace  I  received. 

In  this  inscription  we  learn  how  Israel  was  able 
to  prevail  over  the  old  enemy,  Syria.  The  deliverer, 
i.e.,  the  Assyrian  king,  exacted  tribute  from  Israel. 
Syria,  however,  was  at  last  crushed. 

The  successor  to  the  Assyrian  throne,  Shalmaneser 
III,  followed  up  the  advantage  gained  over  Syria. 
Ashur-dan,  the  next  ruler,  did  the  same.  But  Assyria 
beyond  this  was  inactive  in  the  West-land.  Because 
of  this  and  the  chastisement  given  Syria,  and  because 
of  the  decline  of  that  nation,  Israel  was  able  to  regain 
its  lost  prestige.  In  consequence,  Jeroboam  II 
extended  the  borders  of  Israel  farther  than  had 
been  done  at  any  previous  or  subsequent  time. 
His  conquest  included  Hamath,  Damascus,  and 
Moab.  His  armies  were  planted  on  the  banks  of 
the  Euphrates.  The  commercial  interests  of  the 
nation  were  greatly  increased,  the  resources  greatly 
enlarged.  In  short,  it  was  a  brilliant  burst  of  pros- 
perity prior  to  the  calamity  which  was  to  befall 
the  nation.  It  was  also  during  this  period  that 
Uzziah  of  Judah,  who  was  on  friendly  terms  with 
Israel,  was  able  to  conquer  the  Philistines,  and  his 
country  was  extended  to  the  south,  so  that  in 
this  direction  his  kingdom  reached  practically  the 
old  boundaries  of  Solomon's  rule.  Not  since  the 
division  of  the  kingdom  had  the  tribes  been  able  to 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  325 

extend  their  political  influence  as  they  did  during 
this  period;  nor  had  they  previously  realized  such 
prosperity.  Unquestionably  this  was  due  to  the 
inactivity  of  Assyria  and  the  fact  that  the  old 
enemy,    Syria,  was  crushed. 

It  was  during  this  period  that  there  was  an  eclipse 
of  the  sun  in  the  month  of  Sivan.  In  the  Assyrian 
Eponym  chronicle  there  is  recorded  for  the  ninth 
year  of  Ashur-dan  the  following:  "  Bur-Sagale,  of 
Guzanu.  Rebellion  in  the  city  of  Ashur.  In  the 
month  Sivan  there  was  an  eclipse  of  the  sun."  As- 
tronomers fix  the  date  at  June  15,  763.  The  eclipse 
at  this  unfortunate  time  was  regarded  as  an  evil 
omen.  Disorder  at  home,  and  in  neighboring  dis- 
tricts, which  were  under  the  suzerainty  of  Assyria, 
continued  for  over  five  years;  when  at  last,  "peace 
in  the  land"  was  recorded.  It  may  only  be  a  coin- 
cidence but  Amos,  who  was  a  contemporary,  made 
reference  to  an  eclipse  in  his  prophecies:  "I  will 
cause  the  sun  to  go  down  at  noon,  and  I  will  darken 
the  earth  in  the  clear  day"  (Amos  8:9). 

After  the  death  of  Jeroboam  II,  which  was  during 
the  lifetime  of  the  prophet  Hosea,  the  northern 
kingdom  became  the  prey  of  factions ;  and  in  conse- 
quence became  weakened.  His  son  Zachariah 
ruled  but  six  months,  and  was  followed  by  Shallum. 
The  latter  reigned  one  month,  when  he  was  assassi- 
nated by  Menahem. 

Ashur-dan,  king  of  Assyria,  was  succeeded  by 
Ashur-nirari    (753-745),   who  made  several  expedi- 


326  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'» 


tions,  but  not  to  the  West-land.  He  ruled  ten  years, 
when  Tiglath-pileser  III  (745-727)  came  to  the 
throne.  In  the  Old  Testament  he  is  known  also  as 
Pul,  although  in  i  Chronicles  5:26,  the  writer  con- 
sidered Tiglath-pileser  and  Pul  as  two  persons.  For 
many  years  no  Assyrian  king  by  the  name  of  Pul  was 
known.  The  late  Professor  Schrader  had  correctly 
argued  that  Pul  and  Tiglath-pileser  were  one  and 
the  same  person.  Later,  Dr.  Pinches  was  able  to 
prove  conclusively  that  this  theory  was  correct. 
He  showed  that  the  Babylonian  chronicle  says: 

In  the  third  year  of  Ukin-zer, Tiglath-pileser  marched 
against  Akkad,  laid  waste  Bit-Amukani  and  took  Ukin- 
zer  captive.  Uktn-zer  reigned  three  years  in  Babylon. 
Tiglath-pileser  ascended  the  throne  in  Babylon.  In  the 
second  year  of  Tiglath-pileser  he  died  in  the  month  of 
Teteb. 

The  Ptolemaic  Canon  shows  that  Ukm-zer  and 
Pulu  (Poros)  together  ruled  five  years  over  Baby- 
lonia. Hence  it  follows  that  Pulu  and  Tiglath- 
pileser  are  the  same.  Pulu  as  a  proper  name  is, 
known  also  in  the  inscriptions.  Whether  this  was 
an  official  name  the  ruler  received  in  Babylonia, 
or  whether  it  was  his  original  name,  as  is  more 
likely,  is  not  known.  The  question  as  to  how  he 
came  to  the  throne  also  needs  more  light.  He  is 
generally  supposed  to  have  been  a  usurper,  having 
perhaps  been  a  general  in  the  army. 

He  succeeded  to  the  throne  at  a  time  when  the 
country  was  in  an  unsettled  state,  but  he  made  his 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  327 

reign  one  of  the  most  important  in  Assyrian  history. 
The  historical  inscriptions  recording  his  annals 
have  been  handed  down  in  a  mutilated  condition. 
The  events,  however,  can  be  arranged  in  chrono- 
logical order  by  the  help  of  the  Eponym  Canon. 
We  learn  that  his  first  efforts  were  directed  against 
Babylonia,  Chaldea,  and  Armenia.  Nabonassar 
had  been  the  acknowledged  king  of  Babylon,  but 
now  Tiglath-pileser  assumed  the  ancient  title  of  the 
entire  country,  including  Shumer  and  Akkad.  He 
next  brought  into  subjection  the  rulers  of  Ararat, 
Arpad,  etc.  About  this  time  he  began  to  make 
trouble  for  Syria  and  North  Phoenicia.  The  Canon 
for  738  B.  C.  records  the  brief  statement:  "He 
captured  the  city  of  Kullanu.  This  is  supposed  to 
have  been  in  the  vicinity  of  Hamath,  which  would 
make  it  identical  with  Calno  of  Isaiah  10:9.  The 
name  of  Azariah  is  mentioned  four  times  in  the 
inscription,  but  unfortunately,  owing  to  its  frag- 
mentary condition,  little  can  be  gathered  from  the 
references.  It  would  seem  that  Judah  had  formed 
an  alliance  with  Hamath,  in  order  that  they  might 
mutually  protect  themselves  against  the  advances 
of  the  Assyrians.  While  those  in  league  with 
Judah  seem  to  have  suffered,  Azariah  himself  did 
not  become  involved.  In  an  inscription,  Tiglath- 
pileser  mentions  Azariah  as  follows : 

Nineteen  districts  of  the  city  of  Hamath,  together 
with  the  towns  of  their  environs  along  the  coast  of  the 
sea  of  the  setting  sun,  who  in  sin  and  wickedness  they 


328  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

(the  people)  took  up  for  Azrijau  (Azariah),  to  the 
boundary  of  Assyria  I  added.  My  commander-in-chief 
as  governor  I  set  over  them. 

Besides  the  nineteen  places  which  were  captured, 
a  long  list  of  kings    is   mentioned  as    having  paid 


The  biblical  Tiglath-pileser  or  Pul  standing  before  a  besieged  city. 

tribute,  among  whom  are:  "  Rasunnu  (Rezin,  2  Kings 
16:5)  of  Damascus,  Meni}iimme  (Menahem)  of  the 
city  of  the  Samarians,  and  Hirummu  (Hirom)  of  the 
city  of  the  Tyrians.  "    In  2  Kings  1 5  :  1 9,we  learn  that 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  329 

"  there  came  against  the  land  Pul,  the  king  of  Assyria ; 
and  Menahem  gave  to  Pul  one  thousand  talents, 
etc.  "  Neither  the  Bible  nor  the  inscriptions  say  that 
Tiglath-pileser  fought  with  Menahem.  In  the  former, 
the  silver  is  paid  "to  confirm  the  kingdom  in  his 
hand,"  whereupon  "  the  king  of  Assyria  turned  back 
and  stayed  not  there  in  the  land"  (2  Kings  15  :  20). 
In  the  inscriptions  Menahem  is  only  mentioned  as 
having  paid  tribute. 

In  2  Kings  16:5,  we  learn  that  Rezin,  king  of 
Syria,  and  Pekah,  king  of  Israel,  warred  with  Ahaz, 
and  besieged  him  in  Jerusalem.  For  a  season  he 
was  able  to  withstand  their  efforts;  but  there  being 
those  at  the  capital  w^ho  were  hostile  to  him,  and 
his  country  having  been  overrun  by  the  enemy, 
he  sought  the  assistance  of  Tiglath-pileser,  by  send- 
ing him  presents  of  gold  and  silver.  The  king  of 
Assyria  readily  hearkened  unto  him,  as  he  doubtless 
saw  danger  in  the  organized  efforts  of  Israel  and 
Syria;  and  at  the  same  time  he  was  desirous  of 
making  Ahaz  a  vassal.  He  went  up  against  Damas- 
cus, and  took  it;  and  carried  the  people  captive 
to  Kir ;  and  slew  Rezin. 

In  the  following  inscription  Tiglath-pileser  records 
his  treatment  of  Rezin. 

.  .  .  Like  a  hind  ...  he  entered  the  great  gate  of 
the  city.  His  chiefs  ahve  with  my  hands  I  took,  and 
upon  stakes  I  caused  them  to  be  raised  up,  and  made 
them  a  show  for  this  land.  45  camps  .  .  .  I  collected, 
and  shut  him  up  like  a  bird  in  cage.  His  plantations, 
.    .    .    which  were  innumerable  I  cut  down,  and    did 


330  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

not  leave  one     .    .    .    Hadara,  the  house  of  the  father 
of  Rezin  of  Damascus,  in  which  he  was  born,  I  besieged, 

etc. 


The  fact  that  Rezin  eventually  lost  his  life  at  the 
hands  of  the  Assyrian  king  must  be  supplied  from 
the  Old  Testament  (2  Kings  16:9),  owing  to  the 
fragmentary  condition  of  his  annals. 

In  2  Kings  15:  29,  30,  we  are  informed  that  "in 
the  days  of  Pekah,  king  of  Israel,  came  Tiglath- 
pileser  king  of  Assyria,  and  took  Ijon;  and  Abel- 
beth-maacah  and  Janoah  and  Kedesh,  and  Hazor 
and  Gilead,  and  Galilee,  all  the  land  of  Naphtali; 
and  he  carried  them  captive  to  Assyria.  And 
Hoshea  the  son  of  Elah  made  a  conspiracy  against 
Pekah  the  son  of  Remaliah,  and  smote  him,  and 
slew  him,  and  reigned  in  his  stead.  "  In  an  inscrip- 
tion Tiglath-pileser  records  substantially  the  same 
thing. 

....  the  city  of  Gal-'\ed]  (Gilead  ?)  .  .  .  the 
city  of  Abilakka  (Abel-beth-maacah?)  which  is  of  the 
boundary  of  the  land  of  Beth-Omri  (Israel)  .  .  .  the 
broad,  in  its  entire  extent,  to  the  territory  of  Assyria  I 
annexed;  my  commander-in-chief  as  prefect  I  ap- 
pointed over  them.  Hani'inn  (Hanno)  of  Gaza,  who  fled 
before  my  arms,  escaped  to  the  land  of  Egypt.  Gaza  I 
captured;  its  possessions,  its  treasures,  its  gods  I  car- 
ried away  .  .  .  and  the  image  of  my  royalty  I  erected. 
.  Beth-Omri  (Israel)  .  .  .  the  whole  of  its  inhab- 
itants its  possessions  to  Assyria  I  deported.  Pekah  their 
king  they  smote.  Ausi'  (Hoshea)  as  king,  over  them  I 
appointed.  Ten  talents  of  gold,  1,000  talents  of  silver 
together  with  their  presents  I  received  from  them. 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  331 

There  is  a  gap  between  the  reference  to  Israel  and 
what  follows.  The  annalist  greatly  exaggerated  the 
results  of  his  campaign  if  he  intended  that  the  state- 
ment, "the  whole  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  of 
Omri,"  should  refer  to  Israel.  The  Old  Testament 
mentions  the  names  of  the  cities  and  districts  whose 
inhabitants  were  carried  by  him  into  captivity ;  but 
the  capital  of  "Omri"  which  was  Samaria,  is  not 
mentioned  as  being  depopulated,  either  in  the  inscrip- 
tions or  the  Old  Testament,  until  later. 

In  an  inscription  belonging  to  the  closing  years  of 
his  reign,  he  mentions  the  receiving  of  tribute  not 
only  from  the  kings  of  northern  cities,  but  also  from 
Sanipu,  of  Beth-Ammon,  Salamanu  of  Moab,  Metinti 
of  Askelon,  Jauhazi  (Ahaz)  of  Judah,  Kaush- 
malak  of  Edom,  and  Hanunu  (Hanno)  of  Gaza. 
While  there  is  no  reference  in  the  Assyrian  inscrip- 
tions to  explain  Tiglath-pileser's  movements  against 
Israel  and  Syria,  this  fact  confirms  the  statement 
(2  Kings  16:  7),  that  Ahaz  sought  the  assistance  of 
Tiglath-pileser  in  order  to  free  himself  from  Israel 
and  Syria.  The  inscription  recording  the  tribute 
belongs  to  one  of  the  succeeding  years. 

The  voluntary  homage  paid  the  Assyrian  king,  in 
his  dire  extremity  to  rid  himself  of  Syria  and  Israel, 
was  the  first  prominent  move  towards  the  downfall 
of  Judah.  The  desired  relief  was  gained,  but 
as  Assyria  was  entering  upon  a  long  period  of  sub- 
jugation and  oppression,  the  deliverance  w^hich  he 
obtained  only  served  to  remove  a  barrier  for  subse- 


332  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

quent  conquest,  which  meant  eventually  the  over- 
throw of  Jerusalem. 

That  Ahaz  should  pay  a  visit  to  Tiglath-pileser, 
the  mighty  conquerer  of  the  West-land,  at  Damascus, 
as  is  recorded  in  2  Kings  16:  10,  seems  perfectly 
natural,  for  he  was  the  master  of  this  entire 
region. 

In  the  closing  years  of  his  life  his  attention  was 
directed  to  a  league  formed  by  the  Chaldeans  with 
the  Arameans,  who  had  designs  upon  Babylon. 
Tiglath-pileser  appeared  on  the  scene ;  the  Chal- 
deans w^ere  subdued,  and  he  became  the  king  of 
Babylon,  over  which  he  ruled  for  two  years. 

The  biblical  Shalmaneser  IV  (727-722)  followed 
Tiglath-pileser.  He  also  was  an  adventurer,  as  no 
relationship  with  his  predecessors  is  mentioned. 
Little  is  known  from  the  inscriptions  of  his  short 
reign  of  five  years,  except  the  brief  statements  in 
the  Babylonian  Chronicle  and  the  Eponym  Canon. 
The  former  states:  "On  the  25th  of  Tebet,  Shal- 
maneser sat  on  the  throne  in  Assyria.  The  city 
Shamara'in  he  destroyed."  Unfortunately,  the 
Eponym  Canon  is  mutilated,  and  in  consequence  is 
of  little  value. 

The  Old  Testament  and  Josephus  furnish  addi- 
tional data  concerning  the  reign  of  this  ruler.  In 
2  Kings  17 :  3-5,  we  learn  that  Shalmaneser  came  up 
against  Hoshea,  who  "became  his  servant  and  gave 
him  presents.  And  the  king  of  Assyria  found  con- 
spiracy in  Hoshea  for  he  had  sent  messengers  to 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  333 

So,  king  of  Egypt."  Shalmaneser  imprisoned  him 
and  besieged  Samaria.  Josephus,  as  well  as  com- 
mentators in  former  years,  understood  the  passage, 
"in  the  ninth  year  of  Hoshea  the  king  of  Assyria 
took  Samaria,  and  carried  Israel  away  into  Assyria  " 
(2  Kings  1 7  :  6) ,  to  refer  to  Shalmaneser.  The  inscrip- 
tions of  Sargon,  the  successor  of  Shalmaneser,  defi- 
nitely show  that  he,  or  rather  his  representatives, 
deported  Israel  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  he  is  "the  king  of  Assyria"  who  is 
referred  to  by  the  Hebrew  chronicler.  In  the 
Eponym  Canon,  the  name  Samaria  might  be  sup- 
plied in  some  of  the  incomplete  lines.  The  name  of 
the  city  destroyed  in  the  Babylonian  Chronicle  is 
read  by  some  Sabara'in  instead  of  Samara  in,  as  the 
characters  for  ha  and  ma  are  almost  identical;  but 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  in  the  succeeding  reign  the 
Hebrew  Shomeron  (Samaria)  is  written  Samerina, 
in  the  inscriptions,  which  is  nearly  the  same;  and 
because  Shalmaneser,  while  he  did  not  destroy  the 
city,  laid  siege  to  it,  and  perhaps  destroyed  some  of 
its  outlying  districts,  there  can  be  little  doubt  but 
that  Samaria  is  meant.  The  city,  however,  did  not 
fall  until  later,  as  is  determined  by  the  inscription 
of  Sargon. 

So,  of  Egypt,  or,  vocalizing  the  Hebrew  letters, 
differently,  and  reading  Sive,  king  of  Egypt,  doubt- 
less refers  to  Shabaka,  the  Ethiopian  who  founded 
the  twenty-fifth  dynasty.  Sargon  refers  to  Sih'e, 
whom   he   calls  the   tartan,   or   commander-in-chief 


334  Lisht  on  the  Old  Testament 


*& 


of  the  Egyptian  army.  If  the  Hebrew  Seve  and  the 
Assyrian  Sib'e  are  intended  to  represent  Shabaka, 
then  either  the  Hebrew  writer  in  calHng  him  king, 
anticipated  his  becoming  such,  or  the  Assyrian 
annaHst  was  not  aware  that  he  had  become  king. 

Another  adventurer  followed  Shalmaneser.  He 
is  known  as  Sargon  H  (722-705),  which  name  he 
very  likely  assumed.  He  called  himself  "Sargon 
the  Later"  in  distinction  from  the  name  of  the  illus- 
trious Sargon  I,  who  lived  about  3800  B.  C.  The 
latter's  full  name,  as  found  in  his  inscriptions,  is 
Shargdni-shar-dli:  but  in  all  probability  it  had  been 
handed  down  in  a  form  something  like  the  name 
the  usurper  assumed.  His  name  is  sometimes 
written  Shar-iikin,  "[a  god]  has  appointed  a  king" 
and  again  Shar-kenu  "the  legitimate  king."  Both 
meanings  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  he  desired 
to  impress  his  subjects  with  the  legitimacy  of  his 
a,ppointment  as  ruler.  His  adopting  a  Baby- 
lonian name  instead  of  an  Assyrian,  as  his  two 
predecessors  had  seen  fit  to  do,  may  have  had 
some  diplomatic  signification. 

With  the  exception  of  the  reference  to  Sargon  in 
Isaiah  20 :  i  his  name  was  lost  to  history.  It  was 
really  preserved  in  the  Ptolemaic  Canon  as  Arkeanos, 
but  although  an  initial  Sigma,  according  to  a  well- 
known  law  in  Greek,  sometimes  appears  as  the  rough 
breathing,  Arkeanos  was  not  identified  with  Sargon. 

An  inscription  of  Sargon,  (722-705),  found  at 
Nimroud,  bears  the  following: 


One  of  the  two-winged  bulls  which  stood  at  the  entrance  to  the  palace  of  Sargon 

(see  page  14) 


336  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

From  the  beginning  of  my  sovereignty  until  the  1 5th 
year  of  my  reign  Humbanigash,  the  Elamite  of  the  city 
Der,  I  accomphshed  his  defeat.  Samerina  (Samaria)  I 
besieged  I  captured.  27,290  people,  dwelling  in  it  I  car- 
ried away.    50  chariots  I  collected  from  them   and  the 


SARGON  II   (722-705  B.C.)  Captor  of  Samnria. 


rest  [of  the  people]  I  allowed  to  retain  their  possessions. 
My  commander-in  chief  I  placed  over  them,  and  the  trib- 
ute of  the  former  king  I  placed  upon  them.  Hanno 
king  of  Gaza,  [and]  Sib'e  the  tartan  of  Egypt  advanced 
against  me  in  Rapikhi  (Rapkia)  to  make  war  andbattle.  I 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  337 

accomplished  their  defeat.  Sib'e  feared  the  sound  of  my 
arms  and  fled,  and  his  place  was  not  found.  Hanno,  the 
king  of  Gaza  I  took  with  my  hand.  The  tribute  of  Pir'u 
king  of  Egypt,  Samse,  queen  of  Aribi  (Arabia),  It' 
amara  of  Saba'ai  (Sabeans),  gold  product  of  the 
mountain,  horses  [and]  camels  I  received: 

The  reference  to  the  subjugation  of  Humbani- 
gash  in  the  opening  Hnes  of  this  inscription  does  not 
necessarily  mean  that  an  assault  upon  Elam  was 
made  as  his  first  act.  According  to  the  Babylonian 
Chronicle,  this  took  place  in  the  second  year  of  Sar- 
gon's  reign.  The  first  act  of  his  army  doubtless  was 
the  capture  of  Samaria,  and  the  carrying  of  the 
children  of  Israel  into  captivity;  the  final  drama 
in  the  history  of  Israel.  Sargon's  account  of  his 
deportation  of  27,290  of  Samaria's  inhabitants  is 
supplemented  by  the  biblical  record  (2  Kings  17:6) 
which  informs  us  that  he  "placed  them  in  Halah 
(perhaps  near  Haran)  and  by  the  river  Habor  (the 
Khabour),  and  in  Gozan,  and  in  the  cities  of  the 
Medes." 

In  a  text  of   Sargon   parallel  to   the  above   this 

statement  is  added :  "  I    settled   there   the   men   of 

countries  conquered  [by  my  hand].  "    2  Kings  17:24 

is  an  interesting  commentary  on  this  passage.     It 

reads:  "And  the  king  of  Assyria  brought  men  from 

Babylon  and  from  Cuthah  (Kutu),  and  from  Avva, 

and  from  Hamath,  and  from  Sepharvaim,  and  placed 

them  in  the  cities  of  Samaria  instead  of  the  children 

of  Israel,  and  they  possessed  Samaria,  and  dwelt  in 

the  cities  thereof."     In  a  record  belonging  to  the 

22 


338  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

time  about  seven  years  later,  he  says:  "The  tribes 
of  Tamud,  Ibadid  Marsiman  and  Khayapa,  Arabian 
tribes,  inhabitants  of  the  desert,  of  whom  no  sage 
or  scholar  had  known,  who  had  never  paid  tribute  to 
any  king  I  smote  in  the  service  of  Ashur  my  lord; 
and  the  rest  of  them  I  carried  away  and  settled  in 
Samaria." 

The  Nimroud  inscription  above  referred  to  men- 
tions among  other  cities,  Samaria,  as  being  in  league 
with  Jau-bi'di,  who  had  designs  on  the  throne  of 
Hamath.  He  had  the  assistance  of  Sib'u  of  Egypt 
and  Hanno  of  Gaza.  Jau-bi'di  was  captured  and 
flayed  alive.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  who  is 
meant  by  Samaria  unless  the  remnants  that  had 
not  been  deported,  or  some  of  those  settled  there. 

In  another  inscription  also  he  mentions  people 
of  the  land  of  Philistia,  Judah  (Jaudu),  Edom  and 
Moab  as  depending  upon  "  Pir'u  king  of  Egypt  a 
prince  who  could  not  save  them,  "  in  other  words,  a 
"bruised  reed."  The  inscription  is  fragmentary 
and  does  not  relate  the  outcome  of  this  dependence. 

Sennacherib  (705-681  B.  C.)  succeeded  his  father 
Sargon,  who  before  his  death  had  turned  over  to 
him  the  responsibility  of  keeping  under  subjection 
the  northern  Armenian  provinces.  Sennacherib 
seemed  to  lack  his  father's  ability  in  managing  the 
heterogeneous  elements  of  which  the  great  nation 
was  composed.  In  military  ability  he  was  not 
wanting,  but  instead  of  conciliating  the  vanquished 
and  replacing  the  turbulent,  he  finally  became  the 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  339 

ruler  of  a  sparsely  populated  desert;  as  he  not 
only  destroyed  cities  and  towns,  but  he  murdered 
the  inhabitants.  On  his  accession  to  the  throne,  he 
doubtless  appreciated  the  fact  that  Babylon  would 
be  difficult  to  control.  He  evidently  foresaw  the 
difficulties  which  later  did  arise,  and  which  finally 
resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  Assyria.  In  conse- 
quence, from  the  very  beginning  he  ignored  their 
authority,  and  did  not  accept  titles  and  honors  from 
their  priesthood.  At  this  slight,  the  Babylonians 
became  indignant;  and  proclaimed  king  over  them 
a  man  of  humble  origin,  Marduk-zakir-shum  by 
name.  A  month  later  the  indefatigable  Merodach- 
baladan,  who  had  been  defeated  by  Sargon,  appeared 
on  the  scene.  In  a  sedition  which  followed,  Marduk- 
zakir-shum  was  killed,  and  Merodach-baladan  was 
once  more  proclaimed  king.  He  sent  an  embassy  to 
Elam  and  to  Hezekiah  (2  Kings  20:12-19),  the 
ultimate  purpose  of  which,  although  the  annalist 
supposed  it  was  in  connection  with  his  sickness, 
seems  to  have  been  to  encourage  the  western  states 
to  rebel  against  Assyria.  The  showing  of  the  treasu- 
ries perhaps  implies  that  Hezekiah  indicated  to  the 
emissaries  what  his  strength  in  this  particular  was. 
Sennacherib  wasted  no  time  in  putting  down  the 
rebellion  in  Babylonia.  He  proceeded  to  Kish, 
where  the  Chaldean  king  was  entrenched.  Mero- 
dach-baladan's  army  was  defeated,  and  he  fled  for 
safety.  Sennacherib  entered  the  gates  of  Babylon 
which  were  thrown  open  to  him,  pillaged  the  royal 


Boundary  stone  of  biblical  Merodach-baladan,  in  which  he  makes  a  grant  of 
certain  lands  to  one  of  his  dignitaries.  Above  his  pointed  crown  the  inscription 
reads  :  The  picture  of  Merodach-baladan,  king  of  Babylon. 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  341 

treasury,  and  placed  Bel-ibni  on  the  throne.  In 
his  second  campaign,  Sennacherib  invaded  the 
country  of  the  Cassites  and  the  lasubigalleans.  In 
his  third  campaign,  he  directed  his  attention  to  the 
rebelHous  subjects  in  the  West-land.  The  Assyrian 
army  had  not  been  in  Palestine  for  about  ten  years. 
The  people  in  consequence  felt  more  or  less  secure, 
and  were  anxious  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Assyria. 
The  embassy  sent  to  Jerusalem  by  Merodach-baladan 
and  the  uprising  in  Babylonia,  had  doubtless  suc- 
ceeded in  arousing  the  anti-Assyrian  party  to  re- 
newed activity.  Hezekiah  had  been  victorious  over 
the  PhiHstines  (2  Kings  18:8).  In  order  to  with- 
stand sieges  in  dry  seasons  a  conduit  had  been  built 
(2  Kings  20:20),  to  bring  water  within  the  city 
walls.  In  view  of  these  circumstances,  although 
strongly  opposed  by  the  prophet  Isaiah,  the  Egyptian 
party  prevailed  upon  the  king  to  send  gifts  (Isa. 
30 :  1-4)  to  Egypt,  seeking  the  aid  of  that  country. 
Anxious  to  restore  lost  prestige  in  Palestine,  the 
desired  aid  in  throwing  off  the  yoke  was  again 
promised.  Whether  this  rebellious  spirit  had  spread 
to  Phoenicia  is  not  known,  but  at  Ekron  the  elders 
of  the  city  cast  Padi,  the  Assyrian  king  and  vassal 
into  irons,  and  had  Hezekiah  imprison  him  in 
Jerusalem. 

To  put  down  the  uprising,  Sennacherib  lost  no 
time.  He  entered  the  land  from  the  north,  and 
first  struck  at  Sidon.  In  what  is  known  as  the 
Taylor  cylinder,  which  was  discovered  at  Nineveh 


342  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

in  1830,  together  with  an  inscription  on  one  of  the 
colossal  bulls  which  Layard  brought  from  Kun- 
yunjik,  besides  a  duplicate,  we  have  Sennacherib's 
own  account  of  this  invasion. 

In  my  third  campaign  I  went  to  the  land  of  the 
Hittites.  LuU,  king  of  Zidon,  the  fear  of  the  splendor  of 
my  lordship  overwhelmed  him,  and  he  fled  to  a  distant 
place  in  the  midst  of  the  sea  (variant  Cyprus).  His 
land  I  subdued.  Great  Zidon  (Josh.  19  :  28),  Little  Zidon 
Bit-Zitti,  Sarepta  (i  Kings  17:9),  Makhalliba,  Hosah 
(Josh.  19 :  29),  Achzib  (Judg.  1:31),  Accho  (Jvidg.  1:31), 
his  mighty  cities,  fortresses,  pasture  and  irrigated 
lands,  houses  of  his  assistance,  the  dreadfulness  of  the 
arms  of  Ashur,  my  lord,  overwhelmed  them,  and  they 
submitted  unto  me.  Ethbaal  (i  Kings  16:31)  upon  the 
royal  throne  I  placed  over  them,  and  a  perpetual 
yearly  payment  of  the  tribute  of  my  lordship  I  imposed 
upon  them. 

As  for  Menahem  of  Samsimuruna,  Ethbaal  of  Zidon, 
Abdili'ti  of  Arvad  (Ezek.  27:8),  Urumilki  of  Gebel 
(Ezek.  27:9),  Mitinti  of  Ashdod,  Pudu-el  of  Beth- 
Ammon,  Chemosh-nadbi  of  Moab,  Malik-rammu  of 
Edom,  and  all  the  kings  of  the  West  land,  rich  presents, 
their  heavy  gifts,  for  the  fourth  time  brought  to  me, 
and  kissed  my  feet. 

The  humiliation  of  Zidka  is  then  recorded,  as  well 
as  the  subjugation  of  his  cities. 

And  Zidka  of  Ashkelon,  who  had  not  submitted  to 
my  yoke,  his  ancestor's  gods,  himself,  his  wife,  his  sons, 
his  daughters,  his  brothers,  the  seed  of  his  father's 
house  I  tore  away  and  carried  to  Assyria.  Sharludari, 
the  son  of  Rukibtu,  their  former  king,  I  placed  over  the 
people  of  Ashkelon.  I  put  upon  them  the  giving  of  trib- 
ute, presents  for  my  lordship;  and  he  shall  draw  my 
yoke. 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  348 

In  the  course  of  my  campaign  Bcth-Dagan  (Josh. 
15:41),  Joppa,  Beni-berek  (Joshua  19:45)  (and) 
Azuru,  the  cities  of  Zidka,  which  had  quickly  thrown 
themselves  at  my  feet,  I  besieged  I  conquered,  their 
spoil  I  carried  away. 

The  kings  of  Egypt  with  their  armies,  are  sum- 
moned, but  in  front  of  Eltekeh  (Josh.  19:44)  Sen- 
nacherib accomplished  their  defeat.  Some  think 
that  the  word  translated  Egypt,  which  is  Musri, 
means  rather  Northwest  Arabia. 

The  governors,  chiefs  and  people  of  Ekron,  who 
threw  into  chains  Padi  a  lord  of  the  law  and  oath  of 
Assyria,  and  had  given  him  to  Hezekiah  of  the  land 
of  the  Jews,  and  who  as  an  enemy  shut  him  up  in  prison, 
feared  in  their  hearts,  and  called  forth  the  kings  of 
Egypt,  warriors,  bowmen,  chariots,  horses  of  the  king 
of  Melukha,  a  force  without  number;  and  they  came 
to  their  help.  In  the  vicinity  of  Eltekeh  they  set  a  line 
of  battle  before  me.  They  asked  their  weapons  [to 
decide].  By  the  assistance  of  Ashur,  iny  lord,  I  fought 
with  them,  and  I  accomplished  their  defeat.  The  chief 
of  the  chariots  and  the  sons  of  the  king  of  Egypt 
together  with  the  chief  of  the  chariots  of  the  king 
of  Melukha  in  the  midst  of  the  battle  I  took  alive  with 
my  hands.  Eltekeh,  Tamna  I  besieged,  I  took  I  carried 
away  their  spoil. 

To  Ekron  I  rode,  and  the  governors  [and]  princes 
who  had  transgressed  I  killed,  and  I  bound  their 
corpses  upon  stakes  around  the  city.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  city  who  had  done  sin  and  evil  I  reckoned  as  spoil. 
The  rest  of  them  who  had  not  committed  sin  and 
ignominious  acts,  whose  sin  they  did  not  have  I  pro- 
nounced their  amnesty.  Padi,  their  king  from  Jeru- 
salem I  brought  out  and  I  caused  to  enter  upon  the 
throne  of  lordship  over  them.  The  tribute  of  my  lord- 
ship I  placed  upon  them. 


344  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

As  regards  Hezekiah,  the  Judean,  who  did  not  sub- 
mit to  my  yoke ,  forty-six  of  his  mighty  cities,  strong- 
holds, together  with  innumerable  small  places  of  their 
environs,  by  the  battering  of  rams  and  the  assault  of 
the  siege  engines,  ...  I  besieged,  I  conquered, 
200, 1  50  people,  small  and  large,  male  and  female,  horses, 
mules,  asses,  camels,  oxen  and  sheep  without  number, 
from  their  midst  I  carried  out  and  reckoned  as  booty. 
Himself  (that  is  Hezekiah),  like  a  bird  in  a  cage  in 
Jerusalem  his  royal  city  I  penned  him.  Trenches 
against  him  I  threw  up,  and  those  coming  from  the 
gate  of  their  city  I  forcibly  turned  back.  His  cities 
which  I  had  sacked,  I  cut  ofif  from  the  country,  and  I 
gave  them  to  Mitinti  of  Ashdod,  Padi,  king  of  Ekron 
and  Tsil-Baal,  king  of  Gaza,  thus  reducing  his  territory. 
In  addition  to  the  former  tax,  to  pay  yearly,  I 
added  a  tribute  of  subjection  to  my  royalty,  I  placed 
upon  them.  Himself  Hezekiah,  the  fear  of  the  splendor 
of  my  lordship  overwhelmed  him.  The  courage  of  the 
Arabians  and  his  faithful  soldiers  whom  he  had  brought 
in  for  the  defense  of  Jerusalem,  his  royal  city,  failed.  To- 
gether with  30  talents  of  gold  and  800  talents  of  silver, 
precious  stones,  .  .  .  his  daughters,  women  of  his 
palace,  ...  to  Nineveh,  my  royal  city,  I  caused 
to  be  brought  after  me ;  he  sent  his  ambassador  to  ofifer 
tribute  and  perform  homage. 

This  is  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  parallel 
account  to  the  Old  Testament  records  which  is 
found  in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions.  With  the  Hebrew 
story  of  Sennacherib's  invasion  as  recorded  in  Isaiah 
36:  I  ff.  and  2  Kings  18:  13  ff.  all  biblical  students 
are  familiar.  Sennacherib's  account  naturally  dif- 
fers considerably  from  it,  as  it  is  written  from  an 
altogether  different  standpoint.  But  it  corroborates 
many  details,  as  well  as  supplements  and  gives  a 


Cylinder  of  Sennacherib. 


346  Lio-ht  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


clearer  view  of  the  whole  situation.  That  the  Assyr- 
ian account  should  record  the  exact  amount  of 
gold  paid  by  Hezekiah,  namely  thirty  talents,  is 
remarkable. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  Josephus,  who  quotes 
from  Berosus,  makes  the  attack  upon  Jerusalem 
to  have  taken  place  on  his  return  from  Egypt  after 
he  had  spent  some  time  there  besieging  Pelusium, 
some  scholars  hold  that  Sennacherib  made  two 
invasions  to  this  region,  and  that  the  one  immedi- 
ately follows  the  other  in  the  Old  Testament.  That 
on  the  former  he  received  the  tribute ;  and  that  the 
ignominious  defeat  took  place  on  the  latter,  which 
belongs  to  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life,  i.e.,  after 
the  period  covered  by  the  Taylor  cylinder.  The  fact 
is,  it  looks  highly  probable  if  Berosus  is  right  in 
speaking  of  a  battle  at  Pelusium,  and  also  that 
Sennacherib  lived  only"  a  little  while"  after  his 
disastrous  defeat,  which  the  Old  Testament  also 
seems  to  imply,  although  no  Assyrian  records  thus 
far  bear  out  the  theory. 

Another  argument  can  be  found  in  the  fact 
that  the  annals  of  Sennacherib  do  not  mention 
Lachish,  although  he  had  the  capture  of  the  city 
depicted  on  a  huge  bas-relief.  That  he  gloried  in 
this  event  seems  reasonable  to  suppose.  That  it 
should  not  be  mentioned  in  his  annals  if  it  took 
place  on  his  third  campaign,  seems  somewhat  diffi- 
cult to  understand.  In  2  Kings  19:9,  Tirhakah  is 
mentioned    as    the    king    of    Ethiopia    with    whom 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  347 

Sennacherib  came  into  conflict.  If  there  was  but  one 
invasion,  the  Hebrew  annahst  anticipated  his  title ; 
for  although  in  the  early  period  of  Sennacherib's 
reign  he  was  in  charge  of  the  Egyptian  forces, 
Shabaka,  his  uncle,  was  the  reigning  Pharaoh. 

If  it  is  insisted  upon  that  there  was  but  one  inva- 
sion of  the  West-land  the  fact  that  no  reference  is 
made  to  the  ignominious  defeat  of  Sennacherib's 
army  by  night  would  occasion  no  dif^culty.  Such 
w^ould  be  unlooked  for  in  Assyrian  annals.  Only 
that  is  mentioned  which  is  calculated  to  magnify 
the  great  achievements  of  the  army  and  the  valor 
of  the  king.  But  instead  of  it  there  are  sonorous 
phrases  concerning  what  was  successful,  and  what  is 
mentioned  which  was  not  so,  is  couched  in  words  to 
give  the  impression  that  the  results  were  the  same. 
The  fact  that  he  did  not  capture  Jerusalem,  doubt- 
less the  leading  city  in  the  revolt,  but  instead  simply 
beleaguered  it,  and  penned  up  Hezekiah  in  the  city, 
like  a  bird  in  a  cage,  shows  conclusively  that  the 
campaign  did  not  terminate  in  as  successful  a 
manner  as  the  annalist  would  have  his  readers  infer. 
The  pillaging  of  his  suburbs  and  cutting  off  his 
territory  was  not  such  an  important  feat. 

The  Hebrew  account,  on  the  other  hand,  while  it 
enlarges  upon  the  miraculous  deliverance  of  the 
city,  which  explains  why  Sennacherib  never  made 
a  second  attempt,  fearing  the  God  of  the  Hebrews, 
at  the  same  time  mentions  the  fact  that  Hezekiah 
had  confessed  that  he  had  offended,  and  that  he  had 


348  Liffht  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


paid  immense   sums   to   buy   off   Sennacherib.      In 
this  connection  Herodotus  says  that  when  the  Assy- 
rians   were    encamped    before    the    Egyptians    at 
Pelusium  within  sight  of  the  enemy,   an  army  of 
field-mice    destroyed    the    bowstrings,    etc.,    of    the 
Assyrian  army,  which  resulted  in  their  being  routed, 
and  many  slain.     Josephus,  quoting  from  Berosus, 
in  explaining  the  disastrous  defeat,  relates  how  God 
had  sent  a  pestilential  distemper  upon  Sennacherib's 
army,  which  was  iinder  the  Rabshakeh.     In  other 
words,  Egyptians  as  well  as  Jews,  as  is  shown  by 
the  echoes  of  the  calamity,  rejoiced  in  the  victory. 
On  his  return  to  Nineveh  Sennacherib  had  carved 
a  series  of  slabs  representing  in  bas-relief  his  assault 
and  capture  of  the  city  of  Lachish.     This  fact  is  not 
mentioned   in   the    Old   Testament,    although    Sen- 
nacherib is  said  to  have  been  at  Lachish  w^hen  his 
officials  called  upon  Hezekiah  at  Jerusalem.     In  one 
portion  of  the  relief,  the  walls  of  the  city  are  repre- 
sented, upon  which  are  bowmen,  slingers,  and  those 
who  hurled  lighted  torches  upon  the  portable  sheds  ~ 
in  which  the  battering  rams  were  worked.     From 
the  entrance  of  the  city  near  the  center,  captives 
are  seen  issuing  forth,  and  soldiers  carrying  impaled 
bodies  of  men.     The  steps  and  guard-house  of   the 
great  gate   of   this   period  were   discovered   in   the 
excavations    by    Bliss    at    Lachish.      Sennacherib's 
army  is  represented  as  being  on  the  slope  of  the  hill 
with    engines,     spearmen,    bowmen,    and    slingers. 
Ladders  for  scaling  the  wall  are  seen.     On  the  top 


350 


Lifflit  on  the  Old  Testament 


of  each  engine  a,  man  is  seen,  pouring  water  over 
its  roof,  in  order  to  prevent  it  from  catching  fire 
from  the  burning  brands. 

In  another  portion  of  the  slab  Sennacherib  had 


One  of  a  series  of  sculptured  slabs,  showing  Sennacherib  seated  upon  his  throne 
before  the  city  of  Lachish,  receiving  tribute. 

himself  depicted  in  a  great  throne  chair,  with  bow 
and  arrow  in  his  hand.  Before  him  are  his  officials, 
perhaps  represented  as  reporting  upon  the  results  of 
the  attack.  Over  them  is  the  inscription:  "Sen- 
nacherib, king  of  the  world,  king  of  Assyria,  sat  on 


Assyrian  Inscriptions  351 

a  throne-chair  and  caused  the  spoil  of  Lachish  to 
pass  before  him."  Behind  these  officials  are  cap- 
tives with  pronounced  Hebrew  features.  Behind 
the  victorious  king  stand  eunuchs  with  "fly  flaps;" 
behind  these  is  his  tent.  Over  it  an  inscription 
reads:  "Tent  of  Sennacherib  king  of  Assyria." 
Below  is  the  king's  chariot,  and  soldiers  killing 
captives. 

According  to  the  inscriptions  only  one  son  is 
implicated  in  the  parricide  which  brought  this 
reign  to  an  end,  although  it  is  quite  possible  that 
another  was  involved,  as  is  recorded  in  the  Old 
Testament,  which  says,  that  Sennacherib  was 
assassinated  by  his  two  sons  Adrammelech  and 
Sharezer  (Isa.  37  :  38).  In  the  Babylonian  Chronicle 
the  following  occurs : 

On  the  20th  of  Tebet,  Sennacherib,  king  of  Assyria, 
was  killed  by  his  son  in  a  rebellion.  For  [23]  years 
Sennacherib  had  reigned  over  the  kingdom  of  Assyria. 
From  the  20th  of  Tebet  tmtil  the  2nd  of  Adar  there  was 
an  insurrection  in  Assyria.  On  the  8th  of  Sivan  Esar- 
haddon,  his  son  sat  on  the  throne. 

Esarhaddon  (681-668)  accomplished  what  his 
father  and  Sargon  had  failed  to  do,  namely  defeat 
Egypt  and  make  it  an  Assyrian  province.  He  felt 
that  the  conquest  of  the  land  and  the  humiliation  of 
the  king  was  the  only  possible  remedy  for  the  con- 
stant interference  of  Egypt  with  Assyria's  control 
of  Palestine  and  Syria.  His  first  attempt,in  673  B.  C, 
was  unsuccessful.      Seven    years   later  he  invested 


352  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Tyre  whose  king,  Baal,  had  identified  himself  with 
Tirhakah.  The  Egyptian  army  was  defeated  and 
the  king  escaped  to  Memphis.  In  returning  from 
Egypt,  when  his  army  reached  the  Nahr  el-kelb 
along  the  coast-road,  he  had  cut  in  the  rocks  beside 
the  triumphal  stele  of  Rameses  II,  his  own,  in  which 
he  recounted  his  achievements.  Also,  on  a  large 
triumphal  stele  which  he  erected  at  Zinjirli,  he 
had  himself  represented  in  colossal  size,  while  be- 
fore him  in  diminutive  form  is  Tirhakah  (2  Kings 
19:9),  who  is  identified  from  his  negroid  features; 
and  also  Baal  of  Tyre.  They  have  rings  through 
their  lips,  to  which  cords  are  attached.  These 
Esarhaddon  with  great  complacency  holds  in  his 
left  hand,  while  he  holds  a  cup  near  his  mouth 
with  the  other.  In  the  inscription,  which  is  in  the 
Berlin  Museum,  he  says : 


Tarqu,  the  king  of  Egypt  and  Kush  from  Iskhupri 
as  far  as  Memphis,  his  royal  city,  a  march  of  fifteen 
days,  I  smote  his  warriors  in  great  numbers.  Himself 
I  attacked  five  times  with  the  point  of  the  spear  in  a 
mortal  combat.  Memphis,  his  royal  city  I  besieged  for 
half  a  day;  I  took  it,  I  laid  it  waste,  I  burnt  it  with  fire. 
His  consort,  his  other  concubines,  Ushanakhuru  his  son 
and  the  rest  of  his  sons  and  daughters,  his  possessions, 
his  treasuries,  h:s  horses,  his  oxen,  his  flocks  without 
number,  I  carried  away  to  Assyria.  The  root  of  Kush 
I  tore  up  out  of  Egypt,  and  not  one  of  the  least  did  I 
permit  to  return.  Over  the  whole  of  Egypt  I  placed 
afresh  kings,  governors,  prefects,  officials,  overseers, 
regents.  The  tribute  of  my  sovereignty,  [to  be  paid] 
yearly  without  fail,  I  imposed  upon  them. 


Esarhaddoa  holding  biblical  Tirhakah,  king  of  Egypt  and  Baal,  king  of  Tyre 
with  thongs  passing  through  their  lips. 

23 


354  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Esarhaddon  does  not  mention  in  his  inscriptions 
that  he  took  Manasseh  to  Assyria,  but  he  does  say- 
that  when  he  was  about  to  build  a  new  palace  he 
caused  twenty-two  kings  of  the  land  of  the  Hittites, 
along  the  sea  coast,  and  the  islands  to  furnish  him 
with  building  material,  among  whom  was  Manasseh : 

I  filled  up  the  platform.  I  mustered  the  kings  of 
the  Hittite  land  and  across  the  sea.  Ba'lu  king  of 
Tyre,  Menase  (Manasseh),  king  of  the  city  Jaudu 
(Judah)  Qaush-gabri  king  of  Edon.  Musuri  king  of 
Moab,  Tsil-Bel  king  of  Gaza,  Metinti  king  of  Ashkelon, 
Ikasamsu  king  of  Ekron,  Milki-ashapa,  king  of  Gebel, 
Matan-Bel,  king  of  Arvad,  Abi-Bel,  King  of  the  Sam- 
simuruna,  Budu-ilu,  king  of  the  city  Beth-Ammon, 
Akhi-Milki,  king  of  Ashdod,  12  kings  of  the  sea  coast. 
Ekishtura,  king  of  the  city  of  Idalion,  Piliigura  king 
of  Kitrus,  Kisu  king  of  Sillua,  Ituandar,  king  of  the 
city  Paphos,  Eresu,  king  of  Sillu,  Damasu  king  of 
Kurium;  Atmezu  king  of  Tamassus;  Damusi  king  of 
Qarti-khadasti,  Unasagusu,  king  of  Lidir,  Butsusu  king 
of  Nuria,  10  kings  of  the  land  of  Cyprus  within  the 
sea;  altogether  22  kings  of  the  land  of  the  Hittites  the 
sea  coast  and  midst  of  the  sea,  all  of  them,  etc. 

Esarhaddon  met  his  death  on  the  road  to  Egypt, 
intending  to  reconquer  his  vassals  who  had  rebelled, 
and  follow  up  his  former  victories.  To  him  and  his 
son  is  due  the  credit  for  resuscitating  Babylon, 
which  his  father  had  endeavored  to  obliterate. 
At  Nippur  also  his  work  is  manifested  by  inscribed 
bricks  bearing  his  name.  In  consequence  of  this 
interest  in  the  land  there  was  no  Babylonian  revolt 
during  his  reign.      He  was  succeeded  by  his  two 


Ashurbanipal  depicted  on  a  stone  votive  stele  as  the  high  priest  or  canephorus. 
The  inscription  records  his  pious  acts  such  as  rebuilding  temples. 


356  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


sons,    Ashurbanipal   ruling   Assyria   and   Shamash- 
shum-ukin,  Babylonia. 

Ashurbanipal  (668-626)  is  generally  believed  to 
be  "the  great  and  noble"  Asnapper,  Ezra  4:  10,  who 
settled  in  Samaria  the  Dinaites,  Apharsathchites, 
Tarpelites,  Apharsites,  Archevites,  Babylonians,  Shu- 
shanchites,  Dehaites,  Elamites,  and  men  of  other 
nations.  In  a  list  of  twenty  tributary  kings  corre- 
sponding to  that  of  Esarhaddon,  Manasseh  (written 
Minse)  of  the  land  of  Judah  is  again  mentioned. 
In  2  Chronicles  t,t,  :  11  ft",  we  are  informed  that  the 
captains  of  the  host  of  the  king  of  Assyria  took 
Manasseh  with  hooks  and  bound  him  with  fetters, 
and  carried  him  to  Babylon.  The  king  was  either 
Esarhaddon  or  Ashurbanipal.  If  the  former,  the 
triumphal  stele  described  above  becomes  especially 
interesting.  Later,  because  of  his  repentance,  Manas- 
seh w^as  restored  unto  his  kingdom.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  in  the  inscriptions  that  Ashurbanipal  ac- 
corded similar  treatment  to  Necho,  the  vassal  king 
of  Memphis  and  Sais,  who  had  joined  Tirhakah  in' 
his  revolt  against  Assyria.  He  had  been  brought 
to  Nineveh  bound  in  chains ;  but  having  gained  the 
confidence  of  Ashurbanipal  he  was  sent  back  to 
Egypt  with  marks  of  special  favor,  and  reinstated 
upon  his  throne.  Manasseh's  bondage  and  treat- 
ment, which  is  recorded  only  in  the  book  of  Chron- 
icles, is  thus  paralleled  by  the  experience  of  another 
subject  king. 

The  words  uttered  by  the  prophet  Nahum  in  his 


r 

o 

c 
o 
u 


T3 
C 
at' 

a. 


J3 


S 
iU 
T3 

u 
rj 

■a 
_i> 

15 

u 

6 


358  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'to 


prediction  concerning  the  downfall  of  Nineveh, 
when  he  said,"  Art  thou,  Nineveh  better  than  No 
Amon"  finds  an  interesting  explanation  in  the  in- 
scription of  Ashurbanipal.  No,  meaning  "city,"  is 
the  name  of  Thebes,  while  Amon  (or  Amen)  was  the 
chief  god  worshiped  in  that  city.  Tirhakah  had 
been  conquered  by  Esarhaddon.  He  advanced 
against  the  rulers  appointed  by  Assyria  and  took 
possession  of  Memphis.  Ashurbanipal  went  to 
Egypt  to  suppress  the  insurrection.  Tirhakah's 
forces  were  defeated.  He  fled  by  ship  to  Thebes 
{NiH,  "  No  "),  which  city  Ashurbanipal  took.  Shortly 
afterwards  Urd-amani  succeeded  Tarqu.  Ashur- 
banipal again  entered  Egypt.  But  when  the  king 
"saw  the  onslaught  of  my  mighty  battle,  he  left  Ni'i 
(No)  and  fled  to  Kipqip.  This  city  {i.e.  No)  in  its 
entirety,  in  reliance  upon  Ashur  and  Ishtar  my 
hands  conquered."  In  other  words,  the  rapacious 
Assyrians  spoiled  the  city.  It  is  this  to  which  the 
prophet  refers   (Nahum3:8). 

Several  short  reigns  followed  Ashurbanipal  in~ 
the  twenty  remaining  years  of  Assyrian  rule,  namely 
that  of  Ashur-etil-ilani,  Sin-shum-lishir  and  Sin- 
shar-ishkun.  But  Nineveh  at  last  met  her  doom. 
Nabopolassar,  the  Chaldean  ruler  of  Babylonia, 
made  an  alliance  with  the  Umman-Manda  or  Medes, 
and  Sennacherib's  destruction  of  Babylon  was 
avenged.  The  city  was  razed  to  the  ground,  never 
to  be  rebuilt,  and  its  treasures  were  carried  away. 
The  Medes  took  possession  of  Northern  Assyria  and 


360  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  Armenia  vassal  states ;  Babylonia  took  Southern 
Assyria  and  the  title  to  the  West-lands  including 
Palestine,  Syria,  and  Egypt. 

"  Thy  shepherds  slumber,  O  king  of  Assyria:  thy 
worthies  are  at  rest:  thy  people  are  scattered  upon 
the  mountains,  and  there  is  none  to  gather  them. 
There  is  no  assuaging  of  thy  hurt;  thy  wound  is 
grievous;  all  that  hear  the  bruit  of  thee  clap  the 
hands  over  thee;  for  upon  whom  hath  not  thy 
wickedness  passed  continually?  "  (Nahum  3 ;  i8,  19.) 


XIV 

THE  NEO-BABYLONIAN  HISTORICAL 
INSCRIPTIONS 

The  time  had  arrived  for  the  supremacy  of  the 
valley  to  change  hands.  The  coalition  of  the  Medes 
and  Babylonians  had  secured  their  independence 
from  Assyria.  Nabopolassar,  who  was  of  Chaldean 
origin  in  all  probability,  had  been  installed  as 
viceroy  by  the  Assyrian  king  Ashur-etil-ilani-ukin, 
and  was  continued  in  that  position  by  his  successor 
Sin-shar-ishkun,  the  last  king  of  Assyria.  He  made 
an  alliance  with  the  Medes,  strengthening  it  by  the 
marrige  of  his  son  Nebuchadrezzar  to  the  daughter 
of  Astyages,  the  Median  king. 

Necho  II  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Egypt  about 
the  time  Assyria  was  near  its  end.  He  constructed 
a  war  fleet  for  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Red  Sea. 
He  saw  an  opportunity  to  establish  Egyptian  control 
over  Palestine  and  Syria.  (2  Kings  23:29-30.)  He 
advanced  with  his  army  to  the  plain  of  Megiddo, 
where  Josiah  with  an  inferior  force  recklessly  threw 
himself  against  him.  Josiah  was  defeated  and 
mortally  wounded.  With  this  stroke  Necho  was 
able  to  capture  the  entire  land ;  and  he  moved  north 
as  far  as  Riblah,  in  the  land  of  Hamath. 

361 


362  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Jehoahaz,  the  son  of  Josiah,  was  chosen  king; 
but  Necho  sent  him  a  prisoner  to  Egypt.  EHakim 
his  brother,  who  assumed  Jehoiakim  as  his  throne 
name,  was  appointed  ruler.  A  tribute  of  one  hun- 
dred talents  of  silver  and  one  talent  of  gold  was 
imposed  upon  him.  (2  Kings  23:31-35).  But  the 
fall  of  Nineveh  gave  the  vigorous  Babylonians  the 
title  to  this  land;  and  Necho 's  plans  were  interfered 
with.  Nabopolassar  despatched  his  son  Nebu- 
chadrezzar against  the  Egyptians,  whom  he  defeated 
at  the  battle  of  Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates;  and 
the  coveted  territory  was  again  wrested  from  Egypt. 
The  new^s  of  his  father's  death,  however,  prevented 
Nebuchadrezzar  from  following  up  his  victory.  He 
made  a  hurried  march  across  the  Syrian  desert, 
and  on  reaching  Babylon  was  proclaimed  king. 

Five  years  later  he  turned  his  attention  to  the 
West-land.  The  princes  readily  submitted  to  their 
new  master.  "And  the  king  of  Egypt  came  not 
again  any  more  out  of  his  land,  for  the  king  of 
Babylon  had  taken  from  the  river  of  Egypt  unto, 
the  river  of  Euphrates  all  that  pertained  to  the  King 
of  Egypt."  (2  Kings  24:7).  "Jehoiakim  became 
his  (i.e.  Nebuchadrezzar's)  servant  three  years: 
then  he  turned  and  rebelled  against  him"  (2  Kings 
24:  i). 

In  2  Chronicles  36 :  6,  it  is  recorded  that  Nebuchad- 
rezzar bound  him  in  fetters  and  carried  him  to 
Babylon,  and  Jehoiachin  reigned  in  his  stead.  After 
a  short  reign  of  three  months  he  had  Nebuchad- 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  363 

rezzar  beleaguering  Jerusalem.  Jehoiachin,  and  his 
mother,  the  princes  and  officers  threw  themselves 
on  the  mercy  of  the  conquerer.     He  deported  them, 


Inscribed  brick  of  Nebuchadrezzar  with  stani])  in  Aramaic.  Inscription 
reads:  Nebuchadrezzar,  king  of  Babylon,  the  restorer  of  Esagila  and  Ezida,  the 
first  son  of  Nabopolassar,  king  of  Babylon. 

together  with  all  the  mighty  men  of  valor,  making 
ten  thousand  captives,  and  all  the  treasures  of  the 
temple  and  palace.    Those  that  he  allowed  to  remain 


364  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


were,  "the  poorest  sort  of  the  people  of  the  land." 
Mattaniah,  whose  name  was  changed  to  Zedekiah, 
was  placed  upon  the  throne.  Again  Egypt  made 
overtures,  and  promised  assistance  to  the  king  if  he 
would  renounce  Babylonia.  In  the  ninth  year  of 
Zedekiah 's  reign,  Nebuchadrezzar  laid  siege  once 
more  to  Jerusalem,  as  the  king  had  revolted.  This 
event  coincides  with  the  accession  of  Pharaoh 
Hophra,  who  marched  to  the  assistance  of  his  con- 
federate. The  Babylonians  raised  the  siege  long 
enough  to  punish  the  Egyptians,  who  returned  to 
their  country  (Jer.  37:  5  ff).  In  two  years,  after  a 
stubborn  resistance,  the  city  fell,  and  the  king  who 
had  escaped  by  night  from  the  city  was  captured. 
The  faithless  vassal  was  taken  to  Nebuchadrezzar 
at  Riblah,  where  his  son  was  killed  before  his  eyes, 
after  which  he  was  blinded,  and  sent  to  Babylon  in 
fetters.  (2  Kings  25:6  f.).  A  second  deportation 
followed,  when  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  broken 
down.  Over  the  remnant  that  remained,  which 
was  composed  of  the  poorest  classes,  Gedaliah  was 
appointed  governor.  Several  months  later  he  was 
murdered  by  his  own  countrymen,  who  then  fled 
to  Egypt. 

A  good  many  lengthy  records  known  as  building 
inscriptions  have  been  found  belonging  to  Nebu- 
chadrezzar, but  no  historical  inscriptions  corre- 
sponding to  the  annals  of  the  Assyrian  kings.  It 
is  not  improbable  that  some  day  these  will  be  found. 
In  consequence,  little  or  no  light  from  Babylonian 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions 


365 


sources  has  been  thrown  upon  the  situation.  It  is 
interesting,  however,  to  note  that  while  these  rec- 
ords make  no  reference  to  his  poHtical  activity, 
they  represent  him  to  be  a  man  in  every  respect 

similar  to  the  way  he  is  character- 
ized in  the  Old  Testament.  In  the 
first  place,  he  was  a  great  builder. 
He   built  the   two  great   walls  of 

the  city,  called 
Imgur-Bel  and 
Nimitti-Bel.  He 
built  immense 
quays  in  the 
banks  of  the 
Euphrates,  be- 
sides developing 
otherwise  the 
facilities  for 
handling  the 
commerce.  He 
dug  wide  moats 

A  king  putting  out  the  eyes  of  a  prisoner.  about   the   Walls, 

SO  that  it  was 
as  if  the  sea  surrounded  the  city.  The  great 
procession  street  between  the  temple  Esagila  in 
Babylon  and  Ezida  in  Borsippa,  was  elevated 
above  the  houses  of  the  people,  and  greatly  beau- 
tified. This  wide  street  was  called  Aiburshabu 
("May  the  enemy  not  prevail").  It  was  enclosed 
by  two   walls,  which   were   beautified  with   glazed 


»«i^iffiai««»sffiA4Haff 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions 


367 


tiles  ^  in  which  lions,  life  size,  were  represented  in 
colors.  These  were  enclosed  in  borders  of  rosettes. 
The  streets  were  paved  with  stone  slabs  which  con- 
tained a  brief  inscription  concerning  the  builder. 
It  was  on  this  street  which  led  from  the  most  sacred 


God  Marduk  (Merodach).  God  Raminan  (Addu). 

(Found  at  Babylon.) 

part  of  the  temple  through  the  city  across  the 
Euphrates  to  the  other  temple,  that  on  New  Year's 
day,  Marduk   (Merodach)  was  taken  on  a  visit  to 

'Koldeway,  the  director  of  the  excavations  at  Babylon,  found 
enough  fragments  of  these  tiles  to  reconstruct  a  complete  figure 
of  one  of  the  lions,  which  is  given  in  the  illustration  on  opposite 
page. 


368 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


his  son  Nabu  (Nebo),  the  patron  deity  of  Borsippa. 
The  latter  accompanied  the  former  back  to  his 
shrine. 

Nebuchadrezzar  also  built  the  palace  of  his  father, 
and  in  addition  erected  another  adjoining  it.  The 
temple  of  Marduk,  as  well  as  the  temples  in  Borsippa 
and  Sippara,  were  rebuilt  and  adorned.  These  and 
many  other  important  structures,  for  example  the 
hanging  gardens,  were  built  in  Babylon.     With  the 


»i»  **\',ii'',5. 


W^tfj>t 


":t>-f 


H^/f 


>;  ', '.r-j  1 'j'c- ?' 


»i' 


•t--!: 


>/,'ir'.>  i-^ 


ft'/-'n>^'V  1 


r^^=H^':v-^^; 


:i' 


n  'iii^.)  r.'i  V, 


«  '  •  \^  ''?<■ 


mMm 


H^'i^^'^ 


'f<r^»''*K 


i\  *'■ 


/:?   'c.A- 


ii  :u\^- 


% 


mm  (i;;^:^^ 


'jmm}}^^  h 


Inscribed  cylinder  of  (biblical)  rsebuchadrezzar  referring  to  his  restoration  of  the 
Tower  of  Babel  and  the  building  of  the  edifices  in  Babylon. 

exception  of  a  fragment  of  a  bas-relief,  which  is 
supposed  to  represent  the  gardens,  nothing  has  been 
found  in  the  sections  of  the  city  excavated  to  prove 
that  they  existed.  We  are  dependent  for  our  knowl- 
edge of  them  upon  the  Greek  historian.  For  millen- 
niums the  bricks  used  in  the  construction  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar's buildings,  which  bore  his  name  and 
titles,  have  been  used  by  builders  in  the  neighboring 
cities.    Babylon  has  been  a  veritable  brick  quarry. 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  369 

In  these  cities  can  be  found  in  great  numbers  bricks 
which  bear  the  name  of  the  famous  builder,  many  of 
which  had  been  used  in  his  restoration  of  the  Tower 
of  Babel  (see  page  102),  as  well  as  the  temple  walls 
and  palaces  of  the  city, 

Babylon  of  this  age  was  largely  the  creation  of 
Nebuchadrezzar.  Sennacherib  endeavored  to  annihi- 
late it,  but  Esarhaddon,  Ashurbanipal  and  others 
rebuilt  it.  Nebuchadrezzar,  however,  laid  out  the 
city  on  a  scale  unknown  before  and  since  his 
day.  As  a  builder  he  will  be  renowned  until  the 
end  of  time.  All  this  gives  a  realistic  significance 
to  the  passage  in  Daniel  (4:  30):  "Is  not  this  great 
Babylon,  which  I  have  built  for  the  royal  dwelling- 
place  by  the  might  of  my  power  and  for  the  glory 
of  my  majesty?" 

Nebuchadrezzar  was  not  only  a  great  builder  but 
an  intensely  religious  man,  as  is  indicated  not  only 
by  his  inscriptions,  but  by  the  Old  Testament  as  well. 
Consider,  for  instance  a  prayer  which  he  offered 
to  his  god  Marduk:  "O,  eternal  Sovereign,  Lord  of 
everything  that  exists!  As  it  seemeth  good  unto 
thee  direct  the  name  of  the  king,  whom  thou  lovest, 
whose  name  thou  hast  called.  Lead  him  in  the 
right  path.  I  am  the  prince,  who  is  obedient  unto 
thee,  the  creature  of  the  land.  Thou  hast  created 
me;  the  governing  of  mankind  thou  hast  entrusted 
to  me.  According  to  thy  grace,  O  Lord,  which  thou 
hast  bestowed  upon  all  mankind,  cause  me  to  love 
thy  sublime  dominion.     The  fear  of  thy  god-head 

24 


370  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

divinity  implant  in  my  heart;  yea,  grant  unto  me 
whatsoever  seemeth  good  unto  thee,  O  thou  who 
hast  created  my  hf e. "  If  Jahweh  had  been  addressed 
in  this  prayer  it  could  have  been  used  by  any  devout 
Jew. 

His  works  were  prompted  by  a  religious  senti- 
ment. From  the  records  which  are  extant,  we  do 
not  get  the  idea  that  he  considered  the  chief  occupa- 


Contract  tablet  dated  in  the  reign  of  Evil-Merodach  with  reference  note  written 

in  Aramaic. 

tion  of  a  monarch  to  be  that  of  conquest  and  domi- 
nation. While  he  deported  people  to  Babylonia,  it 
was  because  no  other  policy  seemed  to  obtain.  There 
are  no  indications  of  intolerant  despotism.  His 
subjects  were  not  ravaged;  but  on  the  contrary, 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  disposition  to  be  generous 
towards  them,  and  to  improve  their  condition. 

Evil-Merodach  (562-559  B.  C),  his  son,  who  is 
mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament  as  improving  the 
condition  of  Jehoiachin  in  the  thirty-seventh  year 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  371 

of  his  captivity  (2  Kings  25:  28  ff),  followed  Nebu- 
chadrezzar, and  ruled  two  years.  Berosus,  who 
lived  early  in  the  third  century,  says,  "he  governed 
public  affairs  lawlessly  and  extravagantly."  In  all 
probability  he  was  easy  going  and  mild.  He  was 
slain  in  a  revolt  which  was  headed  by  his  brother- 
in-law,  Nergal-sharezer  (559-555  B.  C),  who  suc- 
ceeded him.  It  is  thought  that  he  is  the  same  who 
is  mentioned  by  the  prophet  Jeremiah  (39:3),  as 
being  at  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  at  the  close  of 
Zedekiah's  reign.  Four  years  later  his  young  son 
Labashi-Marduk  ascended  the  throne,  but  he  was 
murdered  nine  months  later  by  a  body  of  conspira- 
tors, who  chose  as  his  successor  Nabonidus,  the 
father  of  Belshazzar. 

Nabonidus  (555-538  B.  C.)  had  been  a  general  of 
the  army  during  the  reigns  of  several  of  his 
predecessors.  It  is  quite  likely  that  he  was  one 
of  the  chief  intriguers  who  caused  the  death  of 
the  former  king.  According  to  the  Babylonian 
Chronicle,  or  the  Annals  of  Nabonidus,  we  learn  a 
few  important  facts  concerning  him,  and  his  son 
Bel-shar-usur,  the  biblical  Belshazzar.  The  latter 
had  been  regarded  as  a  mythical  personage  until 
the  discovery  of  tablets  mentioning  him  as  "son 
of  the  king. ' '  Moreover,  he  seems  to  have  taken 
a  prominent  part  in  governmental  affairs,  at  least 
in  connection  with  the  army,  as  is  indicated  in  the 
Chronicle. 

This  valuable  record  unfortunately  is  only  partly 


372  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

preserved.  In  the  seventh  year  we  learn  that  the 
"king  was  in  Tema ;  the  son  of  the  king  (Belshazzar), 
the  princes  and  the  army  were  in  Accad. "  In  con- 
sequence, on  New  Year's  day  when  the  great  festival 
called  akttu  was  celebrated,  the  king  "to  Babylon 
did  not  go;  Nebo  to  Babylon  did  not  go;  Bel  did 
not  go  forth ;  the  akUu  was  omitted.  "  Their  absence 
interfered  with  the  annual  procession  of  the  gods 


Cylinder  of  Nabotiidus,  king  of  Babylon,  containing  a  prayer  for  his  son 

Belshazzar. 


on  the  great  street  Aibur-shabu,  between  the  temple 
Esagila  and  Ezida,  as  it  was  necessary  for  the  king 
to  head  the  procession.  Sacrifices,  however,  were 
offered  in  the  temples.  In  the  ninth  year  the  same 
state  of  affairs  seems  to  have  existed.  During  this 
year  the  king's  mother  died.  The  official  period  of 
mourning  for  her  by  the  people  is  mentioned  in  the 
Chronicle.      In   the  tenth   and  eleventh   vears,  the 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  373 

feast  was  also  omitted,  due  to  the  absence  of  the 
king,  his  son,  and  the  nobles.  The  fragmentary 
Chronicle  next  refers  to  the  seventeenth  and  last 
year  of  his  rule. 

It  was  not  because  Nabonidus  was  an  irreligious 
man  that  he  neglected  to  be  in  Babylon  on  these 
occasions  so  that  the  festivals  could  be  observed; 
for  we  learn  from  his  inscriptions  that  his  pious 
acts  such  as  building  and  restoring  temples,  etc., 
were  especially  numerous.  It  does  seem,  however, 
that  he  was  more  interested  in  historical  or  anti- 
quarian investigations  than  he  was  in  the  religious 
feasts.  He  seems  to  have  delighted  in  the  search 
for  knowledge.  In  restoring  temples  he  usually 
excavated  to  their  foundations,  in  order  to  ascer- 
tain who  had  laid  them.  He  made  diligent  search 
for  the  ancient  records  that  had  been  deposited  in 
the  foundations.  In  recording  his  own  labors  on 
cylinders,  he  usually  made  reference  to  what  he 
had  learned  in  reading  these  inscriptions,  mention- 
ing at  the  same  time  the  condition  in  which  he 
had  found  them,  as  well  as  something  about  the 
builder. 

Evidently  the  priests  and  the  people  were  not 
interested  in  his  researches,  and  perhaps  even  looked 
with  disfavor  upon  the  excavations  which  were 
necessary  to  ascertain  the  desired  data.  They  were 
especially  displeased  because  he  neglected  to  attend 
the  feasts.  In  consequence,  they  readily  welcomed  a 
change  of  affairs,  and  as  a  result  the  throne  passed 


374  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

from  the  Babylonians  to  the  Achaemenians. 
Chronicle  for  the  seventeenth  year  reads : 


The 


Nebo    from    Borsippa    to  go  forth 
the  king  entered  the  temple  E-diir-kalamma.     In  the 
month     .      .  and   the   lower   sea  a    revolt 

Bel  came  out ;  the  akUu  festival  according  to  the  custom 
.     .     the  gods   of   Marad,  Zagaga  and  the  gods    of 


^  P        3^*, 


^^J^^^jJP^'— E**  -H  itvftiir  -fKvi  "Ji-nri  ■.r>.„ 


,.      ftJirHftt       ■I'Wttt:fKff<r<WIiteHW*-nav?»-«HCiT<>1!«.I!H&H'ntJ»HE 

ggrs— Hjas-BflMcjHj'TiJi- 
.s-^,^*,.^  cri< ar COT < V jirt  ij^^fe^i jt 


Ft»a-*'  «r  ppsi 


Chronicle  recording  the  death  of  Belshazzar. 


Kish,  Beltis  and  the  gods  of  Kharsagkalamma  entered 
Babylon.  Unto  the  end  of  Elul,  the  gods  of  Borsippa, 
Cutha  and  Sippara  did  not  enter.  In  the  month  Tam- 
muz,  Cyrus  when  he  made  battle  in  Kesh  (Opis),  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  Zalzallat,  with  the  soldiers  of 
Accad,  conquered  the  inhabitants  of  Accad.  When 
they  assembled,  the  people  were  killed.  On  the  14th, 
Sippara  was  taken  without  a  battle.     Nabonidus   fled. 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  375 

On  the  1 6th,  Gobryas,  the  governor  of  the  land  of 
Gutium,  and  the  soldiers  of  Cyrus  entered  Babylon 
without  a  battle.  Later  Nabonidus  was  captured  be- 
cause he  tarried  in  Babylon.  To  the  end  of  the  month 
the  shield  bearers  of  Gutium  guarded  the  gates  of 
Esagila.  No  arms  of  any  kind  were  taken  into  Esagila 
or  into  the  shrines ;  nor  was  the  standard  carried  in. 
On  the  third  day  of  Marchesvan  Cyrus  entered  Babylon. 
Difficulties  were  cleared  ( ?)  Peace  was  established  for 
the  city.  Cyrus  proclaimed  peace  to  all  Babylonia  and 
from  the  month  Kislev  unto  Adar  the  gods  of  Accad 
whom  Nabonidus  had  brought  to  Babylon  returned 
to  their  cities.  In  Marchesvan,  by  night,  on  the  nth, 
Gobryas  in  .  .  .  and  the  son  of  the  king  was  killed. 
From  the  27th  of  Adar,  until  the  3rd  of  Nisan  there 
was  lamentation  in  Accad.  All  the  people  bowed 
their  heads.  On  the  4th  day  Cambyses,  the  son  of 
Cyrus,  went  to  Eshapakalamma  sumniu,  etc. 

We  learn  from  the  Chronicle  that  Cyrus,  king  of 
Anshan  and  Persia  which  he  had  also  conquered, 
began  his  conquest  of  Babylonia  at  Opis.  This 
was  in  the  year  538  B.  C.  He  captured  Sippara 
without  fighting.  Two  days  later  the  gates  of  Baby- 
lon were  thrown  open  to  his  army  under  Gobryas, 
and  Nabonidus  was  imprisoned.  About  three  and 
a  half  months  later  Cyrus  entered  the  city,  and 
proclaimed  peace  to  the  inhabitants.  A  week  later 
Gobryas  entered  .  .  .  (tablet  is  injured),  and 
Belshazzar,  the  son  of  the  king,  was  slain. 

In  view  of  this  Chronicle,  it  is  now  generally 
asserted  that  Herodotus'  description  of  the  strategy 
by  which  Babylon  was  taken,  namely,  by  turning  the 
waters  of  the  Euphrates,  which  enabled  the  army 


376  Lidit  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


to  gain  entrance  by  passing  beneath  the  arches 
that  spanned  the  river,  is  to  be  regarded  as  nothing 
more  than  a  romance.  Further,  they  say,  in  dis- 
agreement with  the  fifth  chapter  of  Daniel,  there 
was  no  violence  w^hen  the  city  was  captured;  Bel- 
shazzar  was  not  king,  neither  w^as  he  or  his  father 
the  son  of  Nebuchadrezzar. 

While  it  is  not  impossible  that  in  some  way  he 
was  connected  with  the  royal  house,  nothing  has 
been  revealed  to  show  that  any  relationship  existed 
with  the  famous  builder.  Further,  it  is  not  likely 
that  there  was  any.  In  his  inscriptions  he  does  not 
claim  any  connection.  He  says  Marduk  had  ap- 
pointed him  sovereign  by  reason  of  his  faithfulness. 
His  father's  name  was  Nabu-balatsu-iqbi,  whom 
he  simply  calls  rubu  emqii,  "wise  prince."  If  he 
could  have  made  any  claims  of  royal  lineage  he  would 
have  done  so.  There  are  other  difficulties  of  a 
historical  character  in  the  book,  for  which  no  satis- 
factory explanations  have  as  yet  been  ofifered,  but 
according  to  what  follows,  one  important  difficulty 
disappears;  at  least  the  kingship  of  Belshazzar  is 
made  quite  possible. 

Belshazzar,  according  to  the  inscriptions,  is  not 
known  as  a  king,  although  it  is  quite  clear  that  he 
was  peculiarly  associated  with  his  father  in  the  rule 
of  affairs.  In  the  Chronicle  the  actions  of  the  king, 
his  son,  and  the  nobles  are  usually  recorded.  Some 
see  in  this  fact  an  explanation  of  the  promise  to 
make  Daniel  the  third  ruler  in  the  kingdom,  in  case 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  377 

he  was  able  to  interpret  the  handwriting  on  the 
wall ;  but  the  fact  must  be  recognized  that  Naboni- 
dus  was  at  this  time  dethroned,  and  if  Belshazzar 
regarded  himself  king,  according  to  what  follows, 
then  the  rulers  in  order  could  not  be :  Nabonidus, 
Belshazzar,  Daniel. 

While  the  inscriptions  do  not  recognize  Belshazzar 
as  king,  it  is  not  at  all  impossible  that  he  was  re- 
garded as  such  by  a  percentage  of  the  Babylonians, 
at  least  for  a  short  time,  and  not  without  legiti- 
mate reasons.  Cyrus's  army  entered  Babylon,  and 
Nabonidus  was  imprisoned.  But  how  about  Bel- 
shazzar, the  king's  son,  who  figured  so  prominently 
in  governmental  affairs?  Three  and  a  half  months 
later  Cyrus  enters  the  city,  when  doubtless  he  is  ac- 
knowledged to  be  the  king.  A  week  later  the  army 
under  Gobryas  entered  a  certain  place,  and  Bel- 
shazzar is  slain.  The  feast  of  Belshazzar  could  have 
taken  place  in  Borsippa  or  any  other  city;  i.e. 
it  did  not  take  place  necessarily  in  Babylon.  Com- 
mentators have  fixed  this  event  in  that  city,  although 
the  city  is  not  mentioned  in  the  fifth  chapter  of 
Daniel.  It  is,  however,  not  unlikely  that  it  did 
take  place  right  in  the  city  of  Babylon.  We  know 
enough  about  the  city  and  its  buildings,  at  the  present 
time,  to  understand  how  it  was  possible  that  in  that 
city,  w^hich  was  very  great  in  extent  at  the  time, 
a  large  number  of  his  followers  could  congregate, 
and  even  fortify  themselves.  The  Chronicle  men- 
tions the  fact  that,  prior  to  Cyrus's  appearing  in 


378  Liffht  on  the  Old  Testament 


'fe 


person,  the  gates  of  Esagila  were  guarded,  and  that 
no  arms  were  taken  into  the  sanctuary.  It  is  not 
so  hkely  that  Belshazzar  and  his  nobles  were  assem- 
bled there,  but  it  is  quite  possible  that  they  had 
fortified  themselves  in  the  great  palace  which 
Nebuchadrezzar  had  built ;  in  which  case  it  would 
be  the  palace  referred  to  in  the  Book  of  Daniel. 
The  king's  palace  was  separately  fortified,  and 
protected  by  walls  and  moats, — in  other  words 
it  was  a  fortress  within  a  fortified  city.  After  Na- 
bonidus,  who  was  the  rightful  heir  to  the  throne, 
had  been  dethroned,  it  is  altogether  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  Belshazzar 's  faithful  followers  pro- 
claimed him  king;  and  that  he  reigned  in  this 
peculiar   way   for  nearly  four  months. 

The  dating  of  contracts  shows  that  the  people 
did  not  recognize  Cyrus  as  king  until  after  he  had 
entered  the  city.  In  contracts  published  by  Father 
Strassmaier  there  are  no  less  than  twelve  dated  in 
the  reign  of  Nabonidus  after  he  was  imprisoned, 
in  fact  up  to  the  day  before  Belshazzar's  death; 
and  one  even  later.  On  the  other  hand  there  is 
one  published  contract  dated  in  the  reign  of  Cyrus 
which  is  supposed  to  belong  to  the  month  prior  to 
his  entrance  in  the  city,  but  the  tablet  is  effaced, 
and  the  date  uncertain.  The  first  tablet,  the  date 
in  which  his  reign  is  mentioned,  was  written  on 
the  24th  of  Marchesvan,  i.e.  twenty-one  days  after 
Cyrus  had  proclaimed  peace  in  Babylon.  These 
facts  show  that  Cyrus  was   not  generally  acknow- 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  379 

ledged  to  be  king  until  after  he  entered  Babylon, 
three  and  a  half  months  after  his  army  had  de- 
throned Nabonidus.  And  although  during  this 
period  the  scribes  continued  to  date  legal  docu- 
ments in  the  reign  of  the  dethroned  king,  it  is 
quite  reasonable  to  believe  that  at  least  some 
regarded  Belshazzar  as  the  ruler,  and  also  that 
tablets  may  be  found  dated  during  his  short  reign. 
(See  also  page  397,  on  the  feast  of  Belshazzar.) 

The  latter  part  of  the  Chronicle,  although  quite 
fragmentary,  is  supposed  to  refer  to  the  burial  of 
Belshazzar  with  royal  honors.  Cyrus,  in  accordance 
with  his  policy,  caused  his  son  Cambyses  to  lead  the 
cortege  and,  according  to  Berosus,  appointed  Naboni- 
dus governor  of  Karmania. 

Cyrus  adopted  the  title,  "king  of  Babylon,  and 
king  of  countries."  This  included  Anshan  and  Persia. 
He  claimed  to  be  the  legitimate  successor  of  his 
predecessor.  Cyrus  selected  an  auspicious  time  for 
his  invasion  of  Babylonia.  The  people  apparently 
welcomed  a  change,  but  it  is  somewhat  surprising 
that  a  foreign  king  should  have  been  so  acceptable. 
In  order  to  make  himself  secure,  it  was  Cyrus's 
policy  to  cater  to  all  classes  by  favoring  them  from 
a  religious  point  of  view,  although  he  worshiped 
Ormuzd.  He  seems  to  have  succeeded  in  making 
the  Babylonians  believe  that  he  was  more  loyal 
to  their  deities  than  was  Nabonidus.  Foreign  people 
that  had  been  brought  to  Babylonia  were  allowed 
to  return  to  their  native  lands,  and  take  with  them 


380 


Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


their  gods.      In  this  way  he  became  the  popular 
head  of  the  kingdom. 

Unfortunately  no  historical  records  of  the  reign 
of  Cyrus  and  his  son  Cambyses  have  as  yet  been 
found,  except  a  fragmentary  cylinder  inscription 
which  Rassam  found  in  Babylon.  It  was  written 
in  the  year  of  Cyrus'  accession.  In  it  he  described 
the  way  he  desired  the  world  to  understand  his  acts. 


Tlie  Dragon  of  Nippur. 


He  claimed  to  have  been  legitimately  raised  up  to 
take  the  place  of  Nabonidus,  the  impious  usurper. 
He  desired  to  have  the  people  believe  that  he  was 
a  defender  of  their  religion.  The  existence  of  strange 
gods  brought  to  the  capital  by  Nabonidus,  which 
gave  offense  to  the  priests,  offered  him  the  oppor- 
tunity to  show  how  considerate  he  was  to  foreign 
peoples  by  returning  them  to  their  respective  shrines, 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  381 

and  especially  by  sending  the  peoples  held  in  bondage 
to  their  native  homes.  Naturally  the  Jews  did 
not  have  gods  but  "  vessels  of  the  house  of  the  Lord, 
which  Nebuchadrezzar  had  brought  forth  out  of 
Jerusalem,  and  had  put  them  in  the  house  of  the 
gods"  (Ezra  1 : 7-1 1).  The  inscription  of  Cyrus 
reads : 


of  them. 


By  an  unrelaxing  yoke   he  destroyed  all 
At  their  lamentation  the  lord  of  the  god  was 


Tlie  Drag-on  of  Babvlon. 


enraged  exceedingly  .  .  .  their  boundary ;  the  gods 
that  dwelt  in  their  midst  forsook  their  abode  in  wrath 
that  he  (Nabonidus)  had  brought  them  into  Babylon. 
Marduk  before  .  .  .  He  went  about  to  all  the  dis- 
tricts where  their  abodes  were  established,  and  had 
regard  for  the  people  of  Sumer  and  Accad  who  were 
like  the  dead  ...  he  had  compassion  upon  all  the 
lands.  In  all  of  them  he  sought  for  [and]  beheld  him. 
He  searched  for  an  upright  prince,  the  desire   of  [his] 


382  Light  on  the  Okl  Testament 

heait,  whom  he  took  by  his  hand,  Cyrus,  king  of  Anshan 
he  called  his  name;  for  the  kingship  of  the  whole  world 
he  proclaimed  his  name. 

The  land  of  Quti  the  whole  of  the  Umman-manda  he 
made  submissive  to  him.  The  black-headed  people 
Avhom  he  (the  god)  caused  his  hands  to  subdue,  in 
justice  and  righteousness  he  cared  for  them.  Marduk, 
the  great  lord,  the  protector  of  his  people  beheld 
joyfully  [his]  deeds  of  piety  and  his  upright  heart. 
His  march  to  his  city  Babylon  he  commanded;  he 
caused  him  to  take  the  road  to  Babylon;  like  a 
friend  and  comrade  he  walked  by  his  side.  His  wide 
extended  troops  whose  numbers  were  like  the  waters  of 
a  river,  could  not  be  known,  with  their  weapons  g'rded 
on,  marched  beside  him.  Without  a  fight  or  a  battle 
he  made  him  enter  Babylon.  His  city  Babylon  he 
spared  from  distress.  Nabonidus  who  did  not  reverence 
him  he  delivered  into  his  hand.  The  people  of  Babylon 
— all  of  them  the  whole  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  the  nobles 
and  governors  submitted  themselves  before  him,  they 
kissed  his  feet,  rejoiced  for  his  sovereignty,  their 
countenances  brightenedi 

The  lord  who  by  [his]  assistance  revived  the  dead,  in 
distress  and  need  he  relieved  (?)  all — they  gladly 
honored  him,  and  observed  his  word.  I  am  Cyrus,  the 
king  of  the  world,  the  great  king,  the  mighty  king, 
king  of  Babylon,  king  of  Sumer  and  Accad,  king  of  the 
four  quarters  [of  the  earth],  son  of  Cainbyses,  the  great 
king,  king  of  Anshan ;  grandson  of  Cyrus  the  great  king 
of  Anshan;  great  grandson  of  Teispisthe  great  king,  king 
of  Anshan;  that  enduring  seed  of  royalty  whose  reign 
Btl  and  Nabii  loved ;  for  the  happiness  of  their  heart 
they  desired  his  reign.  When  I  entered  Babylon  peace- 
fully amidst  rejoicing  and  shouts,  in  the  king's  palace  I 
took  up  the  seat  of  lordship.  Marduk  the  great  lord, 
the  big  hearted  .  .  .  son  of  Babylon  .  . 
me,  and  daily  I  venerated  him.  My  vast  army  went 
about  in  Babylon  peacefully.  The  whole  of  the  people 
of  Suiner  and  Accad.     I  did  not  permit  to  be     . 


384  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Within  Babylon  and  all  its  cities  with  consideration  I 
looked  upon  the  sons  of  Babylon  ....  like  with- 
out heart  ....  The  yoke  which  was  not  honor- 
able, was  removed(?)  I  quietly  relieved  their  sighing, 
I  soothed  their  sorrow.  Marduk  the  great  lord  rejoiced 
over  my  deeds  of  piety,  and  inclined  graciously.  To 
me  Cyrus,  the  king  who  worshipped  him  and  Cambyses 
the  son,  the  going  forth  of  my  heart  and  all  my  troops 
and     .... 


The  reference  to  the  dehverance  of  the  Jews  in 
the  first  verse  of  the  book  of  Ezra,  which  took 
place,  "in  the  first  year  of  Cyrus,"  is  thus  verified 
by  this  inscription.  That  they  were  ahowed  to  take 
with  them  their  sacred  vessels  (Ezra  1:7),  is  also 
substantiated  by  the  fact  that  Cyrus  returned  to 
their  respective  shrines  the  deities  brought  into 
Babylonia.  Naturally,  temple  utensils  as  w^ell  as 
statues  of  gods  were  included.  That  Cyrus  should 
issue  also  a  proclamation  for  the  rebuilding  of  the 
temple  (Ezra  1:1,  4)  seems  to  be  in  strict  accordance 
with  his  policy.  Nearly  two  generations  had  passed, 
in  which  time  there  was  a  great  increase  of  Jews  in 
Babylonia.  Doubtless  many  had  become  prosperous 
and  influential.  The  published  contracts,  dated  in 
the  reign  of  Nabonidus  show  that  many  Hebrews 
had  entered  into  contract  relations  with  the  Baby- 
lonians. It  is  therefore  quite  reasonable  to  think 
that  Cyrus  in  his  efforts  to  please  this  portion  of 
the  inhabitants  would  readily  issue  such  a  decree. 
And  that  the  prophet  should  represent  him  as  saying 
that,  "the  Lord  God  of  heaven  had  given  him  all 


Portrait  sc 


ulpture  ot  Cyrus,  at  Meshed-Murgh^b. 


386  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

the  kingdoms  of  the  earth"  (Ezra  1:2  ff),  is  exactly 
what  Cyrus  endeavored  to  have  the  different 
peoples  believe;  namely,  that  their  respective  gods 
were  favorable  to  him. 

Cyrus  made  his  son  Cambyses  a  co-regent  the 
year  before  his  death  (530  B.  C).  He  gave  him  the 
title  "King  of  Babylon,"  while  he  retained  "king 
of  countries."  About  this  time,  the  Babylonians 
began  to  realize  that  they  preferred  one  of  their 
own  nation  to  rule  them;  and  in  consequence 
dissatisfaction  arose.  While  Cambyses  was  in 
Egypt  ruling  that  country,  a  Median  named  Gomates 
proclaimed  himself  king,  having  made  the  claim 
that  he  was  the  son  of  Cyrus,  whom  Cambyses  had 
killed.  The  Babylonians  called  him  Barzia.  A 
number  of  contract  tablets  have  been  found  which 
are  dated  in  his  reign.  Media  and  Persia,  besides 
Babylonia,  temporarily  acknowledged  him  king. 
Cambyses,  who  was  in  Egypt,  turned  his  steps  in 
haste  towards  Babylonia,  but  when  he  reached 
Syria  he  committed  suicide. 

A  prince  of  the  same  house,  although  more  Persian 
than  Median  or  Elamitic,  named  Darius  (521- 
486  B.  C.)  took  the  throne;  and  in  a  short  time  was 
able  to  put  down  Barzia,  who  ruled  about  eight 
months,  as  well  as  several  other  pretenders  who  had 
mounted  thrones  in  various  parts  of  the  empire. 
His  victory  over  these  pretenders  and  the  revolted 
provinces  he  had  inscribed  in  their  language  upon 
the  rocks  of   Behistun.      He   extended  his   empire 

25 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions 


387 


by  conquest  until  the  kingdoms  which  acknowledged 
his  rule  numbered  twenty-three.  Two  unsuccessful 
attempts  had  been  made  to  invade  Greece,  the 
second  effort  coming  to  an  issue  in  the  battle  of 
Marathon,  490  B.  C.  An  uprising  in  Egypt  and  his 
death    prevented    a    third    attempt. 

Darius,  the  greatest  of  Persian  kings  was  a  strict 


The  impression  of  the  cylinder-seal  of  Darius.     The  trilingual  inscription,  in  Old 
Persian,  Median,  and  Babylonian,  reads:  "  I  am  Darius,  the  great  king." 


monotheist,  worshiping  Ahurmazda  or  Ormuzd, 
"the  maker  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  the  creator 
of  man."  On  a  magnificent  seal,  for  the  im- 
pression of  which  see  the  accompanying  illus- 
tration, he  is  depicted  hunting  lions  under  the 
protecting  care  of  his  god.  The  inscription,  which 
is  written  in  Persian,  Median  and  Babylonian 
reads:     "I  am  Darius  the  great  king."      Darius  I, 


388  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


or  Hystaspes,  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Xerxes, 
whom  he  appointed  to  succeed  him. 

In  the  Enghsh  of  the  Old  Testament  this  ruler 
is  known  as  Ahasuerus.  In  the  inscriptions,  his 
name  is  written  Ahshiwarshu,  Akshiarshu,  Hish- 
iarshi,  etc.,  which  is  quite  similar  to  the  Hebrew, 
Ahashwerosh.  After  this  identification  had  been 
made,  and  the  social  and  political  conditions,  as 
portrayed  in  the  book  of  Esther  were  found  to  be 
those  of  the  Persia  of  this  time,  the  theory  main- 
tained by  certain  scholars,  that  Esther  is  a  work 
of  fiction,  lost  its  force.  Further,  the  excavations 
of  Dieulafoy  in  the  mounds  of  Susa,  where  he  uncov- 
ered "  Shushan  the  palace"  (Esther  1:2),  discovering 
also  one  of  the  dice  with  which  the  people  at  that 
time  "cast  Pur,  that  is,  the  lot"  (Esther  3:7),  make 
the  story  so  realistic,  that  we  cannot  but  feel  that 
it  rests  upon  historical  facts. 

The  palace  of  Xerxes  was  restored  by  his  son  and 
successor  to  the  throne,  Artaxerxes  I  (464-424  B.  C). 
This  ruler  was  favorably  disposed  towards  the  Jews: 
In  his  seventh  year  he  made  a  decree  empowering 
Ezra  to  go  to  Jerusalem  with  all  those  w^ho  desired 
to  accompany  him,  and  take  with  them  all  that 
they  could  collect,  besides  making  extensive  grants 
in  order  that  he  could  put  affairs  in  good  shape,  and 
offer  sacrifices.  During  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes 
I  and  Darius  II,  the  Sons  of  Murashu  conducted 
their  business  transactions  in  and  about  Nippur 
(see  next  chapter).     More  than    one  third    of   the 


Neo-Babylonian  Inscriptions  389 

contracts  thus  far  published,  of  these  brokers, 
were  drawn  up  with  Hebrews  who  continued  to 
live  in  Babylonia  after  the  exile. 

Before  his  death  Artaxerxes  restrained  those  who 
were  engaged  in  rebuilding  the  temple  (Ezra  4: 
21-24).  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Xerxes  II, 
who  reigned  only  two  months  when  he  was  murdered 
by  Sogdianus,  an  illegitimate  son  of  Artaxerxes. 
After  he  had  ruled  seven  months,  he  was  murdered 
by  another  illegitimate  son,  who  is  known  as  Darius 
II,  or  Nothus  (423-404) ;  the  same  that  resumed  the 
rebuilding  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem. 

After  the  thousands  of  undeciphered  clay  tablets 
that  have  been  excavated  have  been  forced  to  yield 
their  contents,  additional  light  here  and  there  will 
doubtless  be  added,  by  the  aid  of  which  some 
historical  difficulties  will  vanish  but  doubtless  new 
ones  will  arise — and  the  veracity  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment writings  will  be  more  firmly  established. 


XV 

BABYLONIAN    LIFE    IN    THE    DAYS 
OF   EZRA   AND    NEHEMIAH 

Many  of  the  Hebrews  returned  to  the  land  of 
their  ancestral  homes  after  Cyrus  had  liberated 
them.  In  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  about  fifteen 
thousand  more  went  to  Palestine  with  Ezra  (about 
458  B.C.).  A  great  many  of  the  Jews,  however, 
preferred  to  remain  in  the  Tigro-Euphrates  valley, 
and  continue  to  live  among  the  Babylonians; 
some  of  whom  had  become  more  or  less  influential. 
Nehemiah  had  been  one  of  these.  He  had  made 
himself  useful  in  the  court  at  Susa,  so  that  he  became 
the  king's  butler.  It  was  in  the  twentieth  year  of 
the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  I  (some  scholars  say  Arta- 
xerxes II),  after  Nehemiah  had  heard  of  the  condition, 
of  his  compatriots  in  Jerusalem,  that  he  petitioned 
the  king  to  send  him  to  the  "city  of  the  sepulchres 
of  his  father."  Artaxerxes  appointed  him  civil 
governor  of  the  district ;  and  with  the  usual  body- 
guard, he  dispatched  him  on  his  mission  (about 
445  B.  C). 

The    discovery    of    a    literature'    in    Babylonia 

I  Several  thousand  contract  tablets  of  this  period  have  been 
published  by  Father  Strassmaier  and  others. 

390 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra 


391 


belonging  to  this  very  time,  which  throws  light 
upon  the  social  customs  and  manners  of  the  people 
with  whom  the  Hebrews  had  daily  come  in  contact, 
must  be  welcomed  by  all  biblical  students.  This 
literature  is  of  special  interest  when  in  it  are  found 
many  of  the  names  of  those  that  remained  in 
Babylonia,  who  are  the  descendants  of  the  Jews 
to  whom  Ezekiel  preached,  along  the  banks  of  the 


A  dog  and  her  puppies,  in  terra-cotta. 


Chebar.  In  these  late  Babylonian  inscriptions  we 
therefore  look  for  that  which,  in  a  measure,  illus- 
trates the  life  of  the  Hebrews  themselves,  in  the 
post-exilic  period ;  for  many  of  those  that  returned, 
after  being  liberated  by  Cyrus,  had  been  born  in 
Babylonia;  and  most  of  those  that  had  returned 
with  Ezra  were  of  the  fourth  generation  after 
Nebuchadrezzar  had  deported  them. 


392  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

It  was  in  the  spring  of  1893,  that  Doctor  Haynes, 
who  directed  the  excavations  of  the  third  expedition, 
carried  on  by  the  University  of  Pennsylvania  at 
Nippur,  discovered  on  the  western  side  of  the  canal 
Shatt  en-Nil,  twenty  feet  below  the  surface  of  the 
mound,  the  archive-room  of  a  business  house  which 
flourished  during  the  reigns  of  Artaxerxes  I  (464- 
424  B.C.),  Darius  II  (423-404  B.C.),  and  the  first 
part  of  the  reign  of  the  following  ruler,  namely, 
Artaxerxes  II.  The  room  was  about  eighteen  feet 
long  by  nine  feet  wide.  Only  a  small  portion  of  the 
walls  remained  standing,  the  roof  having  fallen  in, 
and  the  walls  destroyed,  doubtless  not  long  after 
the  time  of  the  latest  dated  tablet.  The  ground 
floor  of  the  room  was  literally  covered  with  tablets 
and  fragments.  About  seven  hundred  and  thirty, 
including  fragments,  were  gathered.  Nothing  re- 
mained to  show  how  the  archives  had  been  kept, 
but  it  is  presumed  that  they  had  been  laid  in  rows 
upon  wooden  shelves.  When  the  roof  of  the  building 
fell  in,  the  tablets  were  buried. 

They  were  simply  sun-dried,  having  been  made  of 
clay,  well  kneaded  and  w^ashed  from  grit.  This 
increased  the  adhesive  power  of  the  clay,  and  gave 
the  tablet  the  appearance  of  being  baked,  and  at 
the  same  time  offered  an  exceptionally  smooth 
surface  for  the  writing. 

The  tablets,  as  a  rule,  were  carefully  inscribed, 
a  great  many  of  which  are  remarkable  for  the  care 
bestowed  upon  them  by  the  scribes.     Most  of  these 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  393 

documents  were  written  for  the  sons  and  grandsons 
of  Murashu,  namely:  Bel-khatin,  who  transacted 
business  until  437  B.  C,  Bel-nadin-shum,  whose 
name  is  not  mentioned  after  416  B.  C,  Rimut- 
Ninib,  and  Murashu,  sons  of  the  former,  and  a 
Murashu,  son  of  the  second  mentioned. 

A  number  of  them  were  inscribed  in  the  interests 
of  their  servants,  or  slaves,  and  the  slaves'  servants. 
It  is  not  stated  whether  these  servants  or  slaves 
transacted  business  for  themselves,  or  in  the  interest 
of  their  masters.  As  is  well  known,  it  is  quite  possible 
to  understand  that  they  carried  on  business  for 
themselves.  The  fact  that  their  tablets  are  found 
with  the  archives  of  the  family,  implies  perhaps 
some  intimate  connections  in  their  business  trans- 
actions with  different  members  of  the  family. 

Each  tablet  is  drawn  up  in  the  interest  of  one 
particular  person.  Only  in  a  single  tablet  do  we 
find  any  connection  between  the  sons  of  Murashu. 
In  this  instance,  an  order  presented  to  one  of  the 
sons  is  paid  by  another.  Beyond  the  fact  that 
they  had  a  common  ancestor,  and  the  tablets  were 
found  together  in  the  archive-room,  there  is  nothing 
to  show  the  existence  of  a  firm,  in  those  thus  far 
published.  It  is  possible  to  understand,  of  course, 
that  these  ancient  brokers  were  carrying  on  a 
business  which  had  at  some  previous  time  been 
established  by  an  ancestor  named  Murashu,  like 
the  house  of  Egibi  of  Babylon ;  or  by  the  first  named 
of  the  sons  of  Murashu,  and  even  that  a  firm  existed; 


394  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


but  there  is  no  definite  information  on  this  subject 
which  has  been  gathered  from  the  tablets  that  have 
been  deciphered. 

■  Of  great  value  are  the  brief  Aramaic  legends 
found  on  these  archives.  They  were  either  scratched 
deeply  into  the  clay,  or  lightly  with  some  kind  of 
an  instrument.  In  a  number  of  instances  the  remains 
of  a  black  color  in  the  inscription  show  that  they 
had  been  scratched  with  some  kind  of  a  pen.  In 
consequence,  some  are  exceedingly  faint,  and  only 
here  and  there  a  character  is  legible,  to  indicate  the 
former  existence  of  an  inscription.  It  would  seem 
reasonable  to  conjecture  that  all  the  tablets  of  these 
archives   originally   had    Aramaic   inscriptions. 

The  word  "docket"  has  in  the  past  been  incor- 
rectly applied  to  these  brief  legends.  The  act  is 
that  of  docketing,  but  the  proper  term  in  legal 
parlance  for  the  writing  is  "endorsement."  In 
other  words,  after  the  tablet  was  written  in  the 
cuneiform  script  in  the  legal  language,  which  in 
this  case  was  Babylonian,  endorsements  w^ere  written 
upon  them,  as  for  instance,  a  lawyer  of  the  present 
day  endorses  a  deed  or  contract,  by  stating  its 
character,  etc.,  as  a  reference  note  in  filing  the  paper. 
In  some  instances  the  Aramaic  endorsements  describe 
the  nature  of  the  document,  e.g.,  "The  document 
of  the  land  of  the  nagaraja  (carpenters)  which 
Kliiduri,  son  of  Khabsir  gave  to  Ribat,  son  of 
Bel-erib,  for  (literally  'in')  rent."  (See  illustration 
on  opposite  page.)     In  other  cases  it  simply  records 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  395 

the  name  of  the  obHgor  or  recipient,  for  example: 
"Document  of  Labashi, "  or  "Document  of  Akhu- 
shunu,   son  of  Bel-etir. " 

The  question  arises,  why  were  these  endorsements 
not  written  in  cuneiform,  the  regular  script  of  the 


Deed  with  an  Aramaic  endorsement  or  reference  note. 


Babylonian  language,  instead  of  Aramaic,  the 
language  of  Armenia.  Without  any  doubt  it  points 
to  the  fact  that  the  endorsements  were  written 
in  the  tongue  of  the  record  keeper,  or  more  probably 
in  the  language  of  the  man  in  whose  interest  the 


396  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

tablets  were  written.  In  other  words,  the  Murashu 
sons,  or  their  archivarius,  were  of  Aramean  origin, 
or  Aramaic  was  their  tongue.  As  we  shall  see 
(page  404),  the  country  was  filled  with  Western 
Semites. 

There  are  many  known  facts  concerning  the  use 
of  Aramaic  in  Babylonia,  Assyria,  and  Palestine, 
which  in  the  centuries  before  and  after  the  exile 
are  suggestive  of  a  very  general  usage  of  the  language. 
We  can  infer  that  Aramaic  was  the  language  of 
diplomacy  in  the  time  of  Sennacherib  from  the 
episode  which  occurred  between  his  officials  and  those 
of  Hezekiah  who  were  standing  on  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem,  when  EHakim  of  the  latter,  said :  "  Speak, 
I  pray  thee,  to  thy  servant  in  Aramaic  for  we  under- 
stand it:  and  speak  not  with  us  in  the  Jews' 
language,  in  the  ears  of  the  people  that  are  on  the 
w^all"  (2  Kings  18:26).  Recah  also  the  edicts  of 
the  late  period  which  were  made  in  Aramaic,  or 
the  letter  which  Bishlam  and  the  rest  of  his  com- 
panions wrote  unto  Artaxerxes,  "which  was  written 
in  the  Aramaic  character,  and  set  forth  the  Aramaic 
tongue"  (Ezra  4:7).  In  Babylonia,  bricks  inscribed 
with  Aramaic  legends,  which  took  the  place  of 
those  written  in  the  cuneiform  script,  have  been 
found;  also  some  in  Babylonian  and  Aramaic, 
(see  illustration,  p.  363).  Bas-reliefs,  seal  cylinders, 
weights,  etc.,  which  contain  Aramaic  inscriptions 
have  also  been  found.  In  Assyria,  as  well  as  in 
Babylonia,    many    contract    tablets,    exclusive    of 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  397 

the  Murashu  documents,  have  been  found  with 
Aramaic  endorsements, '  some  dated  as  early  as  the 
time  of  Sennacherib.  The  fact  that  portions  of  the 
Old  Testament  written  in  the  post-exilic  period  are 
in  Aramaic,  and  that  eventually  it  became  the 
language  of  Palestine,  would  indicate,  perhaps, 
that  the  people  had  learned  this  language  during 
their  exile;  although  there  is  considerable  Aramaic 
influence  in  the  pre-exilic  Hebrew  literature.  On 
taking  these  and  other  things  into  consideration  in 
connection  with  the  fact  that  a  large  percentage 
of  the  names  found  on  the  tablets  of  this  period  are 
West  Semitic,  of  which  a  great  many  are  Aramean, 
we  become  impressed  with  the  extended  usage  of 
the  Aramaic  language  throughout  this  region,  and 
especially  in  Babylonia. 

The  cuneiform  script  continued  to  be  used  until 
the  third  or  second  century  before  Christ,  and  even 
later.  The  scribes  continued  to  study  Babylonian 
as  the  literary  and  legal  language  of  the  country, 
and  employed  it  in  writing  contracts,  letters,  etc., 
but  it  is  reasonable  to  conjecture  that  the  usage  of 
the  language  was  on  the  decline  as  early  as  the  sixth 
century  B.  C.  The  tongue  of  the  common  people 
seems  to  have  been  Aramaic,  which  eventually 
crowded  out  the  Babylonian  with  its  most  difficult 
cuneiform  script.     The  intercommercial  use  of  the 

I  These  have  been  gathered  in  a  volume  by  Professor  J.  H. 
Stevenson  of  Vanderbilt  University,  entitled,  Assyrian  and 
Babylonian  Contracts. 


398  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

language,  the  fact  that  many  Western  Semites  had 
emigrated  to  this  region,  besides  the  descendants 
of  war  captives  and  merchants  who  lived  there, 
and  that  for  writing  purposes  the  Aramaic,  with  its 
short  alphabet  was  infinitely  easier  to  learn  than  the 
difficult  cuneiform  script,  with  its  five  hundred 
characters,  nearly  all  of  which  have  many  phonetic 
and  ideographic  values,  give  us  reasons  for  the  theory 
that  the  Aramaic  gradually  supplanted  the  Baby- 
lonian as  the  spoken  language  of  the  land. 

The  use  of  Aramaic  in  Babylonia  offers  an  interest- 
ing commentary  on  the  story  of  Belshazzar's  feast. 
When  commentators  considered  the  language  of 
Babylonia  to  be  Chaldean,  the  same  as  the  language 
in  which  post-exilic  portions  of  the  Old  Testament 
are  written,  there  was  no  difficulty  with  reference 
to  the  handwriting  on  the  wall  being  in  that  tongue. 
When  later  it  was  learned  that  this  language  was 
Aramaic,  and  that  as  far  as  was  known,  it  had  noth- 
ing to  do  with  the  language  of  Chaldea  (i.e.  Baby- 
lonia), and  further,  that  the  language  of  the  country 
was  the  Babylonian  and  the  script  was  the  cuneiform, 
there  seemed  to  be  a  serious  discrepancy;  for  the 
night  in  which  Belshazzar  was  slain,  the  hand- 
writing upon  the  wall  of  the  king's  palace  was  in 
Aramaic.  But  when  we  realize  that  in  Belshazzar's 
time  the  language  which  the  lords  knew  in  their 
official  capacity,  as  well  as  that  which  the  average 
man  very  probably  understood,  was  the  Aramaic, 
we  have  reasons  why  the  Chaldeans  spoke  to  the 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  399 

king  in  Aramaic  (Dan.  2:4),  and  why  the  inscription 
on  the  wall  was  written  in  that  language.  Doubtless 
the  characters  were  clearly  intelligible  to  all  who 
were  present,  but  it  required  a  Daniel,  in  his  pro- 
phetic spirit,  to  interpret  them. 

The  Aramaic  endorsements  incised  or  written  upon 
the  clay  tablets  are  valuable  also  in  that  we  are 
able  by  their  help  to  improve  readings  of  the  cunei- 
form characters,  especially  in  proper  names.  Through 
the  study  of  these  legends  the  pronunciation  of 
one  well  known  Babylonian  god  was  determined, 
as  well  as  the  consonantal  writing  of  another. 
The  name  of  a  god  commonly  called  Ninib,  being 
the  son  of  Bel,  and  one  of  the  patron  deities  of 
Nippur,  is  found  quite  frequently  as  an  element 
in  the  names  from  that  city.  Few  scholars,  however, 
believed  that  the  name  of  the  god  Nin-ib,  which 
reading  is  Sumerian,  was  to  be  read  the  same  in 
Babylonian.  It  occurred  to  me  that  as  the  god  was 
prominently  worshiped  at  Nippur  the  name  could 
be  ascertained  through  the  medium  of  the  Aramaic 
endorsements,  if  a  name,  compounded  with  the 
so-called  Ninib,  occurred  in  them.  The  first  thing 
to  be  determined  was,  whose  name  should  be 
expected  in  an  endorsement  written  upon  a  contract. 
It  became  clear  that  if  only  one  name  occurred  in 
a  short  legend,  like,  "Document  of  Labashu, " 
the  name  of  the  obligor  was  to  be  expected.  Accord- 
ingly several  tablets  with  endorsements  were  found, 
in  which  the  obligor's  name  contained  as  an  element 


400  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 


•t> 


the  god  Nin-ih.  In  the  case  of  two,  the  names  were 
very  poorly  preserved.  The  reading  turned  out  to 
be  something  altogether  different  from  anything  that 
had  ever  been  suggested.  After  considerable  study 
I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  consonants  of  the 
name  were  to  be  read,  either  '  n  w  sh  t  or  '  n  r  sh  t. 
Although  practically  convinced  that  the  middle 
character  was  W  (aw)  and  not  R(esh),  I  presented 
both  readings  with  preference  for  the  former.  As 
to    the    vocalization    of    the    characters,    and    the 


^m\^ 


& 


l^o^x/ 


fijf^ 


/WlM* 


So-called  "  Ninib  "  in  Aramaic. 

identification  of  the  name  in  cuneiform  or  other 
literatures,  I  did  not  offer  my  views,  not  being 
convinced  of  the  correctness  of  anything  which 
suggested  itself  to  me.  Another  scholar  followed  by 
reading  the  characters  '  n  r  sh  h,  and  regarded  the 
name  as  identical  with  Nisroch  of  the  Old  Testament 
(2  Kings  19:37).  This  is  impossible.  The  readings 
of  all  other  scholars,  with  one  exception,  conformed 
either  to  one  or  the  other  which  I  had  offered. 
The  exception  referred  to,  i.e.,  b  I  p  r  sh  t—bel  pirishti 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  401 

"lord  of  decision,"  is  also  an  impossible  reading. 
Others  read:  Enu  rcshtit,  "the  chief  lord;"  Enu- 
erishtu,  "lord  of  decision;"  Urashat,  the  feminine 
of  Urash,  In-arishti,  as  the  Semitic  equivalent 
of  Nin-urash  ;  and  'n'wusht=namMshtM=nanmrtu, 
which  was  regarded  the  same  as  "Nimrod"  of 
the  Old  Testament.  The  latter  by  Professor  Jensen, 
although  questioned  by  some  scholars  has  been 
accepted  by  others.  Additional  light  on  the  subject 
will  be  heartily  w^elcomed. 

The  other  deity  whose  name  had  been  read 
Shadit-rabit  (i.e.,  KUR-GAL)  or  Bel  is  written  in 
Aramaic  '  w  r,  for  which  I  proposed  the  reading 
Amurru,  which  is  the  name  of  the  land  of  the 
Ammorites,  as  well  as  their  chief  god.  The  name  of 
the  god  and  land  is  written  ideographically  MAR- 
TU.  This  foreign  deity  played  an  important  role 
from  early  times  in  the  Babylonian  religion.  In 
a  volume  of  texts  recently  published  by  Professor 
Peiser  of  Konigsburg,  the  correctness  of  my  theory 
w^as  fully  established.  The  name  of  an  individual 
in  the  archives  which  he  published  is  written  with 
the  characters  read  KUR-GAL  {-erish),  MAR-TU 
{-erish)  and  in  an  abbreviated  form  Amurri{-a). 
In  other  words,  the  name  of  the  god,  which  is  the 
first  element  of  this  name,  is  written  in  three  ways, 
the  last  of  which,  taken  into  consideration  w4th 
the  Aramaic,  shows  that  the  others  are  to  be  read 
Amurru. 

In  practically  every   period   of    Babylonian   and 


Documents  of  the  Muraslifi  Sons  with  endorsements  or  reference  notes  written  in 
Aramaic.    The  two  lower  tablets  contain  the  name  of  the  god  Amurru. 


26 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  403 

Assyrian  history,  the  names  of  foreigners  are 
numerous  in  the  business  affairs  of  the  every-day 
life  of  the  people.  The  land,  as  has  been  said, 
was  a  "veritable  Babel."  In  the  Murashu  docu- 
ments we  find  many  different  nationalities  repre- 
sented: Egyptians,  Hebrews,  Phoenicians,  Ara- 
means,  Persians,  Cassite,  etc.  The  fact  is  that  more 
than  one-third  of  the  names  in  the  Murashu  ar- 
chives are  foreign.  Nebuchadrezzar's  conquests  had 
brought  many  captives  into  the  country.  Although 
liberated  by  Cyrus,  many  of  the  influential  pre- 
ferred to  remain  in  that  land.  The  Persian  rule 
which  followed  not  only  brought  many  officials 
and  merchants  into  the  country,  but  being  a  foreign 
rule,  it  naturally  was  more  agreeable,  in  general 
for  Gentiles.  Then  also  the  great  fertility  of  the 
country  between  the  two  rivers  was  at  all  times 
inviting  to  the  roaming  tribes.  When  such  conditions 
prevail,  the  process  of  amalgamation,  or  an  adapta- 
tion to  the  religion  of  the  country  is  more  or  less 
apparent.  Persians  and  Western  Semites  gave 
Babylonian  names  to  their  children,  e.g.,  the  son 
of  Barachel  (Hebrew)  was  named  Ninib-etir;  the 
son  of  Baga'data  (Persian)  was  called  Bel-nadin. 
And  on  the  other  hand  we  find  that  persons  w^ho  bore 
Babylonian  names  gave  their  children  Hebrew, 
Aramean  or  Persian  names,  e.g.,  the  son  of  Bel- 
nadin  was  named  Barachel  (Hebrew) ;  the  name 
of  the  son  of  Bel-abu-usur  was  Minyamin  (Hebrew). 
This  state  of  affairs  resulted,  doubtless,  from  mixed 


404  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

marriages.  In  some  cases,  perhaps,  where  the  names 
of  captives  were  changed  by  their  masters,  they 
may  have  given  their  children  names  appropriate 
to  their  own  nationahty.  We  find  also  names  with 
a  Hebrew  element  compounded  with  a  Babylonian 
god,  e.g.,  Barikki-Bel.  These  facts  explain  the 
occurrence  of  Babylonian  names  in  the  lists  of 
Hebrews  in  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  such  as:  Zerub- 
babel,  Sanballat,  Sheshbazzar,  etc. 

In  the  vicinity  of  Nippur  there  were  a  great  many 
settlements  which  bore  gentilic  names,  for  example: 
Ashkelon,  Gaza,  Heshbon,  Bit-Tabalai,  "the  town 
or  house  of  TabaHtes, "  etc.  In  other  words,  the 
names  of  towns  and  of  tribes  were  transplanted 
to  Babylonia  with  the  migration  or  transference 
of  the  peoples,  quite  similarly  as  has  been  done  in 
America  by  the  immigrants  from  other "  .shores, 
who  introduced  in  this  land  the  names  of  their 
former  dwelHng  places,  such  as  "  Berhn,  "  "  London ; " 
or  their  settlements  were  named  after  the  country 
whence  they  came,  as  for  instance  in  Philadelphia 
we  have  "Little  Italy." 

Of  special  interest  are  the  Hebrew  names  from 
the  Old  Testament,  mostly  from  the  books  of  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah,  that  are  found  in  these  business 
documents:  Afi-abu  (=Ahab),  Ammashi  (=Ama- 
shai)  (Aqubu)  (=^Akkub),  Bana-Jdma  (=Benaiah), 
Bali- Jama  (=Bealiah),  Barikki-El  (=Barachel), 
Bibd  (=Bebai),  Bisd  (=Bezai),  Bana-Jdma 
(=Benaiah)  Barikki-Jdma  (=Berechiah),  El-khadari 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  405 

(=Eliezer),  El-zahadu  (— Elzabad),  Gadal-Jdma 
{^=Ge<lQX\3h),Giishurii,  (=Geshuri) , /v /^agga  (=Hag- 
gai),  Khanana  (=Hanan),  Khanani'  (=Hanani), 
Khananu-Jdma  (=Hananiah),  Khantin  (=^Hanun), 
Jadikh-Jdma  (^Jedaiah),  Jadikh-El  (^Jediael), 
Matanni-Jdma  (=Mattaniah) ,  Minakhkhim (=Mena- 
hem),  Minidmen  (=Miniamin),  Nahundu  (==:Naboth) 
Nadhiia  (=Nedabiah),  Nakhmanii  (=Naaman), 
Natanu-Jdma  (==Nethaniah),  Nikhuru  (=Nahor), 
Paddnia  (=Pedaiah),  Pani-El  (=Peniel),  Pillu- 
Jdma  (=Pelaiah),  Shabbatai  (=Shabbethai),  Sha- 
makhiinn  (=Shimeon),  Shamshanu  (=Samson), 
Shiliimnu  (=Shillem),  Shullumma  (^Solomon), 
Sikha'  (^Ziha),  Tiri-Jdma  (=Tiria),  Tub -Jdma 
(=Tobijah),  Zabad-Jdma  (=Zebadiah),  Zabina' 
(=Zebina),  Zabiidu  (^Zabud),  Zimma  (=Zimmah), 
Zuzd  (=Zaza),  etc.  The  number  of  these  Western 
Semitic  names  is  especially  large  in  this  period, 
showing  that  there  must  have  been  a  large  settle- 
ment of  Jews  in  and  about  Nippur  at  that  time. 
Of  special  importance  is  the  identification  of  the 
canal,  or  river,  Kabari"^  with  the  river  Chebar;  on 
the  banks  of  which  Ezekiel,  when  he  was  among 
the  captives  in  Babylonia,  saw  his  famous  visions 
of  the  cherubim  (Ezek.  i:i,  3,  15;  10:15).  The 
identification  was  first  made  by  Professor  Hilprecht." 

I  There  is  another  river  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  which 
closely  resembles  the  name,  i.e.,  Kapiri,  Cambyses  23:2,  but 
the    above    is   more    probably   the    biblical    river. 

-See  Introduction  to  Hilprecht  and  Clay,  Business  Docu- 
ments of  Murashii  Sons,  B.  E.,  Vol.  IX.  p.  28. 


406  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Later  Professor  Haupt  followed  by  interpreting 
Kabari:  "The  great  river,"  and  said  it  probably 
was  identical  with  the  present  Shatt  en-Nil,  which 
ran  through  Nippur/  The  former  followed  by 
stating^  that  from  the  beginning  it  "seemed  natural 
to  identify  the  Chebar  "  w4th  the  Shatt  en-Nil  which 
passed  through  Nippur,  but  that  he  preferred  to 
withhold  this  theory  until  he  could  examine  the 
topography  of  the  region.  The  proof  then  offered 
for  this  identification  in  brief  is  as  follows.  First, 
the  largest  canal  is  often  written  ideographically 
as  "the  Euphrates  of  Nippur."  It  is  evident  that 
only  the  Shatt  en-Nil  could  have  been  designated 
in  this  manner.  Second,  Ndr-Kabar  is  the  phonetic 
pronunciation  of  the  ideographic  writing,  "The 
Euphrates  of  Nippur,"  and,  therefore,  is  the  former 
Babylonian  name  of  the  Shatt  en-Nil. 

The  first  argument  needs  proof,  and  the  second 
I  do  not  understand,  unless  it  means  that  as 
kabar  means  "great,"  and  the  "Euphrates  of 
Nippur"  ought  to  be  the  largest  canal,  they  are 
identical.  Now  the  fact  is,  in  the  same  volume  of 
inscriptions  four  other  canals  are  mentioned  more 
frequently.  The  canal  of  Sin  is  found  in  fifteen 
texts,  the  Kharripiqud  or  Nar-Piqiid  in  twelve, 
while  the  "Euphrates  of  Nippur"  is  only  found  in 
two.  However,  the  canal  "Euphrates  of  Nippur" 
doubtless  was  a  large  canal.     It  may  even  be  the 

^  Ezekiel,  Polychrome  Bible,  p.  93. 
"^  Explorations  in  Bible  Lands,  p.  412. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  407 

canal  which  passed  through  the  city.  Other  in- 
scriptions in  time  will  determine  this;  but  if  true, 
it  is  not  to  be  identified  with  the  Kabaru.  Why 
not?  The  text  in  which  the  canal  Kabaru  occurs, 
mentions  property,  sha  ultu  Nippur  a-di  ndr  Ka-ba-ri, 
"that  which  is  from  Nippur  unto  the  Kabar  canal" 
A  description  of  property  which  mentions  that  it 
is  situated  between  a  city  and  a  river  would  be 
inadequate  if  the  river  passed  through  the  city. 
In  brief,  the  Kabar  scarcely  passed  through  Nippur, 
but  doubtless  is  one  of  the  canals  that  passed  close 

by  it. 

The  ideographic  writing  of  the  canal  "Euphrates 
of  Nippur"  is  Ndr-Sippar,  which  means  the  " Sippar 
river. "  The  course  of  the  river  at  the  present  time 
is  considerably  to  the  west  of  Sippara,  which  is 
represented  by  the  mounds  known  as  Abu-Habba. 
The  river  in  ancient  times  doubtless  passed  through 
or  close  by  the  city.  But  why  is  the  canal  mentioned 
in  these  texts,  which  is  far  removed  from  the  present 
bed  of  the  Euphrates,  called  the  Ndr-Sippar- 
Nippuru?  Professor  Hommel,^  as  well  as  Mr.  C. 
S.  Fisher  '  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  most  of 
the  important  cities  of  ancient  Babylonia  are  not 
along  the  present  rivers,  but  between  them.  It 
therefore  appears  that  what  is  called  at  the  present, 
Shatt  en-Nil,  is  the  old  bed  of  the  Euphrates.  In 
this  alluvial  plain,  which  had  been  covered  with  a 

1  Geographic  und  Gcschicht  des  Alien  Orients. 

2  The  University  of  Pennsylvania  Excavations  at  Nippur,  p.  4 


408  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

net  work  of  canals,  changes  of  this  kind  took  place. 
Further,  some  maps'  make  this  canal  leave  the 
Euphrates  at  Babylon.  A  branch  seems  to  have 
connected  the  two  bodies  of  water  at  that  point, 
but  there  are  excellent  reasons  for  making  the 
chief  body  of  water,  now  known  as  the  Shatt  en- 
Nil  run  through  ancient  Sippara,  and  pass  south 
to  Nippur.  That  being  true  the  meaning  of  the 
ideogram  for  the  river  doubtless  was  the  Sippar- 
Nippur  river,  which,  as  stated,  m.ay  have  been  the 
original   bed    of   the    Euphrates    (Ndr-Sippar). 

Tel-abib,  the  place  where  the  Jews  lived  in  their 
captivity,  and  where  Ezekiel  sat  with  them,  was 
along  the  Chebar.  Following  Tiele,  instead  of 
Tel-abib,  "motmd  of  the  ear  of  corn,"  some  read 
Tel-abub,  "mound  of  the  flood."  Throughout 
Babylonia  large  sand  dunes  are  seen.  It  is  supposed 
that  Tel-abub  is  one  of  these  hills.  It  is  held  that 
a  sand  hill  within  sight  of  Nippur  is  the  place 
mentioned  in  Ezekiel,  because^  Jews  lived  in  the 
vicinity  of  that  city;  that  the  reports  of  travellers 
show  that  these  hills  are  stationary;  the  fact  that 
a  large  number  of  Hebrew  antiquities  are  found  in 
the  small  mounds  about  Nippur;  and  because  the 
hill  "lies  about  a  mile  or  more  to  the  east  of  the 
ancient  bed  of  the  Shatt  en-Nil,  a  fact  which  agrees 
most  remarkably  w4th  a  statement  in  Ezekiel  3:15, 
according    to    which    the    prophet    went    from    the 

I  Explorations  in  Bible  Lands.      ^  Ibidem,  p.  411. 


01 


V 


C 


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a 

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o 


410  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

Chebar  to  Tel-abi(u)b,  so  that  this  Jewish  colony 
cannot  have  been  situated  in  the  immediate  fertile 
neighborhood  of  "the  great  canal."  But  the 
Hebrew  reads:  "Then  I  came  to  them  of  the 
captivity  of  Tel-abtb,  that  dwelt  by  the  river  Chebar," 
which  would  imply  that  the  town  lay  along  the 
banks  of  the  river.  If,  as  has  been  stated,  Tel- 
abub  is  a  name  by  which  the  Babylonians  used  to 
denote  the  large  sand  hills  scattered  over  their 
plain,  and  there  is  no  stronger  evidence  in  the 
identification  of  one  of  these  particular  hills  as  the 
place  mentioned  by  Ezekiel,  than  the  fact  that  there 
are  many  traces  of  Hebrews  having  hved  in  this 
vicinity,  it  seems  to  me  best  to  say  that  Tcl-ahib 
may  have  been  near  Nippur,  inasmuch  as  the 
Kabar,  which  is  identified  with  the  Chebar,  may  have 
passed  near  the  city;  but  at  the  same  time  it  may 
have  been  on  the  banks  of  the  same  river,  many 
miles  from  Nippur. 

The  legal  and  business  documents  are  a  very 
important  source  of  our  knowledge  of  these  times. 
At  least  ten  thousand  documents  of  this  character 
have  already  reached  the  different  museums,  being 
marriage  and  dowry  contracts;  partnership  agree- 
ments, records  of  debts,  and  promissory  notes; 
leases  of  land,  houses,  or  slaves;  records  of  sales  of 
all  kinds  of  property,  mortgages ;  documents  granting 
the  power  of  attorney ;  concerning  adoption,  divorce, 
bankruptcy,  inheritance — in  short,  almost  every 
imaginable    kind    of    contract.     Intensely    realistic 


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412  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

are  the  impressions  gained  from  these  private  and 
legal  documents.  Here  we  become  familiar  with 
the  doings  of  the  e very-day  life  of  the  people.  We 
become  acquainted  with  their  personalities;  we 
learn  their  wants ;  their  plans  and  the  things  against 
which  they  guarded.     In  their  dealings  with  man- 


A  jeweler's  guaranlce  ihat  au  emerald  would  not  fall  out  of  the  setting  for  twenty 

years. 


kind,  we  learn  how  they  protected  themselves  against 
unseen  possibilities,  and  how  they  provided  in  their 
contracts  for  the  same  conditions  that  are  so  familiar 
in  these  days.  Their  grasp  upon  the  shekel  was 
just  as  tight,  if  not  more  so,  than  in  the  present  day. 
For  example  we  find  the  broker  charging  from  20% 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  413 

to  50%  usury  on  loans  of  money  and  grain.  The 
tablets  discussed  in  the  following  pages  are  confined 
to  those  found  in  the  archives  of  the  sons  of  Murashu, 
which  belong  to  the  time  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.' 
Different  kinds  of  promissory  notes  are  found 
among  the  archives,  i.e.,  abstract  or  interest  bearing 
notes;  or  notes  with  mortgage  or  surety  clauses. 
The  following  record  of  a  debt  which  includes  a 
mortgage  (always  first  mortgage)  was  given  as 
security  for  the  payment  at  a  stipulated  time. 
The  location  of  the  estate  upon  which  the  mortgage 
was  placed  is  properly  bounded  and  described. 

1200  giir  of  dates  due  to  Bel-nadin-shum,  son  of 
Murashu,  are  to  be  paid  by  Shamash-shum-lJshir,  son 
of  Kidin;  Shiriqtim  son  of  Nur-mati-Sin  and  Labashi, 
son  of  Iqisha  together  with  their  conscripts  of  the 
kitadari  of  the  shiishanii.  In  the  month  Tishri  of  the 
first  year  of  Darius,  king,  the  dates,  namely  1200  gur, 
in  the  measure  of  Bel-nadin-shum  in  the  city  Mushezib- 
Ninib  they  shall  pay.  One  is  security  for  the  other 
that  the  debt  shall  be  paid.  Their  fields,  cultivated 
and  uncultivated,  their  conscripts;  on  the  Kharipikudu 
canal,  adjoining  the  field  of  Ninib-bana  and  adjoining 
the  field  of  Bel-shar-usur,  which  is  in  the  town  Mushe- 
zib-Ninib  is  held  as  a  pledge  for  the  dates  namely  1200 
gur  by  Bel-nadin-shum.  No  other  creditor  has  power 
over  those  fields  until  the  claim  of  Bel-nadin-shum  has 
been  satisfied.      (Vol.   X,    No.    14). 


I  The  translations  of  several  characteristic  texts  have  been 
reproduced  from  my  introduction  to  "Business  Documents  of 
Murashu  Sons,  B.E.  Vol.  X.  The  translations  of  the  others  are 
here  ptiblished  for  the  first  time  from  Volumes  IX  and  X. 


414  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

The  names  of  the  scribe  and  ten  witnesses,  besides 
the  date  (month  Airu,  of  the  first  year  of  the  reign 
of  Darius)  follow  also  the  seal  impressions  of  two 
witnesses,  and  the  thumb-nail  marks  (instead  of 
their  seals),  of  the  three  individuals  upon  w^hom 
the  debt  rested. 

A.  large  number  of  the  documents  are  in  the  form 
of  leases.  All  kinds  of  real  estate,  extensive  farm 
lands,  canals,  and  water  rights,  herds  as  well  as 
personal  effects,  were  leased.  The  following  interest- 
ing lease  of  fish  ponds  shows  that  the  lessee,  besides 
agreeing  to  pay  a  stipulated  amount  as  rent,  agreed 
to  furnish  the  agent  daily  with  a  mess  of  fish. 

Ribat,  son  of  Bel-erib,  servant  of  Bel-nadin-shum, 
of  his  own  free  will  spoke  to  Bel-nadin-shum,  son  of 
Murashu,  thus:  the  fish  ponds  which  are  situated 
between  the  towns  Akhshanu  and  Gishshu,  belonging 
to  Bel-ab-usur,  those  which  are  in  the  fields  of  the 
chief  of  the  brokers;  [also]  the  fish  pools  which  are 
in  the  field  of  the  prefect  of  the  khinddnii;  and  the 
fish  pools  which  are  in  the  estate  Natuel  let  me  have 
for  rent  for  one  year.  I  will  pay  for  the  year,  one-half 
of  a  talent  of  refined  silver;  in  addition,  from  the 
day  I  am  given  possession  of  those  fish  ponds  for 
fishing,  daily,  I  will  furnish  a  mess  of  fish  for  thy  table. 
Thereupon  Bel-nadin-shum  complied  with  his  request, 
and  rented  him  those  pools  of  fish  for  the  year,  for 
one-half  talent  of  silver.  For  the  year  the  silver,  i.e., 
one-half  talent,  rent  for  those  pools,  Ribat  shall  pay 
to  Bel-nadin-shum,  and  the  fish  for  his  table  he  shall 
furnish.  From  the  first  day  of  Marchesvan,  year  first, 
those  pools  are  at  the  disposal  of  Ribat. 

In  the  presence  of  Belshunu  and  Umardatu,  judges 
of  the  Canal  Sin. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  415 

Names   of   six   witnesses   and   the   scribe   follow; 
also  seal  impressions  of  five  witnesses,  including  that 


Lease  of  Fish  Ponds  in  which  the  agent  required  the  lessee  to  give  him  each  day 

a  mess  of  fish. 

of  Rimut  Ninib,   son  of  Murashu.     It  is  the  only 
tablet  of  these  archives  known  to  me  which  contains 


416  Liffht  on  the  Old  Testament 


'& 


an  impression  of  the  seal  of  a  member  of  this  family. 
The  tablets  containing  receipts  of  amounts  paid, 
or  obligations  resting  upon  others,  contain  their 
seal  impressions,  or  those  of  the  witnesses  and 
judges.  In  this  instance  Rimut-Ninib  acted  as  a 
witness. 

The  following  is  a  form  of  an  ordinary  lease  of  a 
house : 

The  storehouse  at  the  Sailor's  gate  which  belongs  to 
Tirakam,  the  son  of  Bagapanu  he  gave  for  the  yearly 
rent  of  2  giir  of  grain  to  Mannu-lushulu:n,  the  slave  of 
Remu-shukun.  The  bareness  of  the  walls  he  shall  alter; 
the  walls  of  the  house  he  shall  repair.  From  the  first 
day  of  Kislev  of  the  thirty-seventh  year,  monthly 
30   qa  he  shall   pay   (Vol.   IX,   No.    54). 

The  names  of  three  witnesses  besides  that  of  the 
scribe  follow.  The  monthly  rent,  i.e.  2,0  qa,  would 
equal  2  gur  a  year.  In  house-rentals,  in  addition 
to  the  stipulation  concerning  the  replastering  of  the 
walls  and  the  keeping  of  them  in  repair,  is  usually 
found  the  requirement  to  cover  the  beams  of  the 
roof,  i.e.  to  keep  the  roof,  which  was  composed  of 
brush,  matting  and  mud,  in  repair. 

The  sons  of  Murashu  and  those  w^ho  succeeded 
them  had  very  extensive  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats. 
This  is  attested  by  the  fact  that  about  the  same  time 
in  a  certain  year,  a  number  of  leases  were  drawn 
up  with  individuals,  in  which  they  received  large 
herds  for  stock  raising.  The  following  will  illustrate 
the  manner  of  drawing  up  leases  for  such  purposes. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  417 

Akhushunu,  son  of  Bel-etir,  of  his  own  free  will 
spoke  to  Bel-supe-mukhur,  the  overseer  of  Arsham, 
thus :  Rent  me  nine  male  sheep,  twenty-seven  two  year 
old  male  sheep,  one  hundred  and  forty-four  large 
bearing  sheep,  thirty-seven  one-year  old  lambs, 
thirty-eight  one-year  old  female  lambs,  twenty-five 
large  male  goats,  nine  two-year-old  male  goats,  fifty 
large  bearing  goats,  seventeen  male  kids,  seventeen 
female  kids,  in  all  three  hundred  and  seventy-three  sheep 
and  goats  [Klcinvieh],  white  and  black,  the  property  of 
Arsham.  In  a  year,  I  will  give  thee,  as  rent  for  those 
sheep:  at  the  rate  of  one  hundred  (female)  sheep, 
sixty-six  and  two-thirds  (=66f%)  offspring;  at  the 
rate  of  one  (female)  goat,  one  offspring;  for  one  sheep, 
I J  mina  of  wool;  for  one  goat,  |  mina  of  sheared  goat 
wool;  for  one  bearing  sheep,  one  diinatum;  for  one 
hundred  sheep,  one  qa  of  butter.  Allow  me  ten  dead 
for  every  hundred  sheep  {i.e.  io%).  For  one  dead  I  will 
give  thee  one  hide  and  2  J  shekels  of  sinews.  Where- 
upon Bel-supe-mukhur  granted  his  request,  and  gave 
him  for  rent  nine  male  sheep,  one  hundred  and  forty- 
four  large  bearing  sheep,  thirty-seven  one-year  old 
male  lambs,  thirty-eight  one-year-old  female  lambs, 
twenty-five  large  male  goats,  nine  two-year-old  male 
goats,  fifty  large  bearing  goats,  seventeen  male  kids, 
seventeen  female  kids  in  all  three  hundred  and  seventy- 
three  sheep,  white  and  black,  large  and  small.  In  a 
year  Akhushunu  shall  give  to  Bel-supe-mukhur  at  the 
rate  of  one  hundred  female  sheep,  sixty-six  and  two- 
thirds  offspring  for  one  female  goat,  one  offspring; 
for  one  sheep,  I2  mine  of  wool;  for  one  goat,  |  mina 
of  sheared  goat  wool;  for  one  bearing  sheep  one 
dunattim;  for  one  hundred  bearing  sheep,  one  qa  of 
butter,  as  rent  for  those  sheep.  For  one  hundred 
sheep,  ten  dead  Bel-supe-mukhvir  shall  allow  him. 
For  one  dead,  he  shall  give  one  hide  and  2  J  shekels 
of  sinews.  For  the  shepherding,  folding  and  guarding 
of  those  sheep  Akhushunu  bears  the  responsibility. 
From  the  twenty-first  day  of  Elul,  year  the  eleventh. 


418  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

those  sheep  are  at  his  disposal.     Those  sheep  shall  be 
obtained  from  Shabakhtani,  the  head  animal  keeper, 
son  of  Pashai. 

Names  of  twelve  witnesses  and  the  scribe  follow. 
Nine  of  the  witnesses,  besides  Shabakhtani,  left 
impressions  of  their  seals.  Akhushunu  made  a 
thumb-nail  mark  instead  of  his  seal.  On  the  reverse 
is  found  the  following  endorsement  in  Aramaic, 
"The   document   of   Akhushunu,    son   of   Bel-etir." 

The  master  in  the  following  contract  protects 
his  own  crop,  and  that  of  a  servant,  by  requiring 
another  servant  who  farmed  an  adjoining  field, 
to  agree  to  reimburse  them  in  case  a  breach  occurs 
in    his    canal    whereby    their    crops    are    damaged: 

Bel-nadin-shum,  son  of  Murashu  who  to  Jakhulunu 
and  Na'id-Shipaq,  his  servant,  spoke  thus:  Give 
attention  to  your  canal  gates,  and  your  sluices  which 
are  in  the  embankment  of  the  Canal  Sin,  which  in  the 
kara  are  exposed,  so  that  a  breach  shall  not  occur  in  your 
canals  and  in  your  sluices  which  are  in  the  embank- 
ment of  the  Canal  Sin,  which  reaches  you  over  my 
grain  field  and  over  the  rented  grain  field  of  my  servant 
Akhu-litia.  If  a  breach  in  it  occurs  and  my  grain,  and 
the  grain  of  the  rented  field  of  Akhu-litia  are  carried 
off,  then  as  much  grain  as  has  been  damaged  or  ruined, 
from  your  own,  you  must  pay  me.  Whereupon  Jakhu- 
lunu and  Na'id-Shipaq  to  Bel-nadin-shum  spoke  as 
follows:  Our  canal  gates  and  sluices  that  are  in  the 
embankment  of  the  Canal  Sin  which  reaches  to  vis  we 
will  guard  and  strengthen  in  order  that  a  breach  will 
not  occur.  If  a  breach  develops  in  it,  as  much  grain 
as  in  it  is  damaged  and  destroyed,  from  our  own 
we  will  refund  thee.  If  a  breach  [develops  and 
destroys  the  grain  of]  Akhu-liti  and  your  servant,  from 
our  own  we  will  refund  them   (Vol.   IX,  No.   55). 

27 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  419 

A  contract  made  with  an  individual  for  the  gather- 
ing of  a  harvest,  with  a  penalty  attached  in  case 
the  work  has  not  been  done  at  a  specified  time: 

Unto  the  second  day  of  the  month  Ab,  year  first 
of  Darius,  king  of  countries,  the  harvest  [namely], 
which  had  been  set  apart  as  the  share  of  Rimut-Ninib, 
son  of  Murashii,  he  (i.e.  Rimut-Ninib)  gave  to  Ninib- 
iddina,  son  of  Ninib-etir,  to  gather  in.  If  on  the  second 
day  of  the  month  Ab,  year  first  of  Darius,  that  harvest 
he  has  not  completely  gathered  in,  the  harvest  as  much 
of  it  as  should  have  been  delivered,  Ninib-iddina 
shall  turn  over  to  Rimut-Ninib  from  his  own  posses- 
sions; and  there  shall  be  nothing  for  him,  together 
with  the  farmers,  out  of  the  balance  of  the  harvest. 
(Vol.  X,  No.  29). 

An  agreement  to  gather  and  deliver  to  three 
agents  a  certain  apportionment  of  dates  which  has 
been  made : 

Dates  as  many  as  are  in  the  assignment  which  is 
made  to  Bel-nadin-shum  for  the  thirty-eight  year 
[of  Artaxerxes]  to  be  paid  by  Shita'  son  of  Nabil-danu. 
Until  Nisan  of  the  thirty-ninth  year,  the  dates  in  full, 
in  the  measure  of  Bel-nadin-shum  in  Nippur  he  shall 
pay  to  Belshunu  Shamsham  Tadannu  and  Na'id- 
Ninib.  If  on  that  day  he  has  not  delivered  the  dates, 
he  shall  pay  in  full  for  the  dates,  as  many  as  there  should 
be.  He  shall  pay  at  the  rate  of  thirty  gur  per  mina. 
(Vol.  IX,  No.  64). 

A  number  of  contracts  refer  to  partnership  or 
business  combinations  i.e.,  two  or  more  persons 
joined  in  some  enterprise,  for  mutual  gain.  In  some 
instances  one  of  the  party  agreed  to  furnish  the  land 
and  seed,   while  the  other  became  responsible  for 


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Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  421 

the  labor.  In  the  contracts  that  follow,  the  son  of 
Murashu  furnishes  oxen,  irrigating  machines,  and 
land,  while  the  other  furnishes  oxen  and  presumably 
labor.     They    agree    to    divide    the    crops   equally. 

Shum-iddina  son  of  Pukhkhuru,  spoke  to  Riimtt- 
Ninib,  son  of  Murashu,  thus:  Let  me  put  two  of  my 
oxen  with  two  of  thine  into  thy  pasture  lands,  and 
everything,  as  much  as  in  those  fields  grows,  by  our  work 
of  irrigation,  is  ours  in  common.  Afterwards  Rimut- 
Ninib  complied  with  his  request,  and  gave  him  oxen  and 
seed;  ox  for  ox,  seed  for  seed.  They  have  sworn  by 
the  king  that  whatsoever  grows  in  it  shall  be  divided 
equally  among  them.      (Vol  X,  No.  44). 

In  the  following  contract  one  of  the  servants  of 
Bel-nadin-shum,  son  of  Murashu,  agrees  to  farm 
certain  estates,  for  which  he  shall  receive  one-quarter 
of  the  crop,  and  for  faithfulness  in  caring  for  the 
property,  when  the  division  is  made,  he  shall  receive 
three  gur  of  dates  and  the  palm-branches: 

A   seed   field,    cultivated    and    uncultivated   on   the 

banks   of the   fief   estate   belonging  to 

Zabida  and  Belshunu,  the  son  of  Iddina.  [also  to] 
Labashi  and  Bel-nadin,  the  son  of  Akh-iddina,  to 
as  many  parts  as  there  are,  which  with  their  conscript, 
the  cultivated  field  for  gardening,  [and]  the  unculti- 
vated for  cultivation,  they  gave  to  Mushezib,  the  servant 
of  Bel-nadin-shum.  Of  whatsoever  grows  in  the  un- 
cultivated field,  a  fourth  part  of  the  crop  he  shall  pay. 
The  work  under  the  date-palms  he  shall  perform. 
Over  the  premises  and  the  ditches  he  shall  watch. 
The  impost  of  dates  they  shall  fix  for  him.  When  the 
impost  has  been  established  3  gur  of  dates  and  the  palm 
branches  they  shall  give  to  Meshezib.  From  Sivan 
of  the  28th  year  for  three  years  that  field  is  at  the 


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Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  423 

disposal  of  Mushezib.  5  shekels  of  silver  of  the  whole 
amount  for  their  fields,  for  three  years,  they  received 
from  the  hand  of  Mushezib.  The  one  who  breaks  the 
contract  shall  pay  one-half  mina  of  silver.  If  he  does 
not  guard  the  premises  and  the  ditches,  [if]  he  does  not 
do  the  work  under  the  date-palm,  [then]  dates  to  the 
amount  of  3  gttr  and  the  palm-branches  they  shall 
not  pay.     (Vol.  IX,  No.   10). 

The  names  of  seven  witnesses  and  the  scribe  follow; 
Also  the  thumb-nail  marks  of  Zabida  and  Bel-nadin, 
who  represented  the  lessors. 

Several  bailments  are  among  the  contracts  found 
in  these  archives,  i.e.,  one  citizen  became  surety 
to  another  who  had  an  individual  imprisoned,  that 
on  his  release  he  would  not  disappear.  In  one 
(Vol.  IX,  No.  57),  the  condition  is  made  that  he  shall 
not  leave  Nippur  without  first  having  obtained 
legal  permission.  In  violation  of  this  the  bailee 
forfeited  the  amount  agreed  upon.  The  following 
brief  contract  will  illustrate  this  class  of  documents. 

lUindar,  son  of  Iddin-Bel,  of  his  own  free  will  r^poke 
thus  to  Lirakamma,  servant  (war  biti)  of  Bel-nadin- 
shum:  Bring  forth  from  prison  Iddin-Bcl,  son  of 
Akhu-iddina,  and  let  me  become  responsible  for  him. 
Wheretipon,  Lirakama  hearkened  unto  him,  and 
brought  forth  Iddin-Bel  from  prison,  and  gave  [him] 
to  lUindar.  If  he  disappears,  one  mina  of  silver 
lUindar  shall  pay  to  Lirakamma.      (Vol.  X,   No.    10). 

The  following  document  is  an  agreement  to 
abandon  legal  proceedings.  By  it  a  son  of  Murashu 
is  granted  a  release  for,  and  on  account  of,  a  claim 
for   damages   arising  from   trespass   committed   by 


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Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  425 

the  latter  and  his  servant.  The  charge  of  trespass, 
followed  by  its  denial  and  payment  in  consideration 
for  settlement,  is  quite  analogous  to  similiar  trans- 
actions of  the  present  day. 

Baga'data'  the  ustaribari,  son  of  Bel-nadin,  who 
spoke  to  Bel-nadin-shum,  son  of  Murashu,  as  follows: 
The  town  Rabiia,  from  which  silver  was  taken, 
Khazatu,  and  its  suburbs,  thou  hast  destroyed;  silver, 
gold,  my  cattle  and  my  sheep  and  everything  belonging 
to  me,  all,  thou,  thy  bond  servant,  thy  messengers,  thy 
servants  and  the  Nippurians  carried  away.  Where- 
upon B^l-nadin-shum  spoke  as  follows:  We  did  not 
destroy  Rabiia,  thy  town,  from  which  thy  money  was 
carried,  and  the  suburbs  of  Rabiia;  thy  silver,  thy  gold, 
the  cattle,  thy  sheep  and  everything  that  is  thy  prop- 
erty, all  I,  my  bond  servant,  my  messengers  my 
servants  and  the  Nippurians,  did  not  carry  away. 
[But]  Bel-nadin-shum  gave  to  Baga'data'  on  conditions 
that  no  legal  proceedings  on  account  of  those  claims 
which  Baga'  data'  and  one  with  the  other  made,  three 
hundred  and  fifty  gur  of  barley,  one  giir  of  spelt  (?), 
fifty  gur  of  wheat  (?),  fifty  good  large  jars  full  of  old 
wine,  including  the  bottles,  fifty  good  large  jars  full 
of  new  wine,  including  the  bottles,  two  hundred  gur 
of  dates,  two  hundred  female  sheep,  twenty  oxen,  five 
talents  of  wool.  Baga'  data'  received  from  Bel-nadin- 
shum  barley,  i.e.,  three  hundred  and  Mty  gur;  spelt  (?), 
i.e.,  one  gwr;  wheat  (?)  i,e.,  fifty  giir;  jars,  i.e.,  fifty  good 
vessels  full  of  old  wine,  including  the  bottles;  dates  i.e., 
two  hundred;  sheep,  i.e.,  two  hundred  females;  oxen, 
i.e.,  twenty;  wool,  i.e.,  five  talents,  he  has  been  paid. 
There  shall  be  no  legal  proceedings  in  perpetuo  on  the 
part  of  Baga'  data',  his  bond  servant,  his  messengers, 
his  servants  and  the  men  of  those  cities,  and  their 
suburbs,    which    were  entered,  i.e.,  of  Rabiia,  Khazatu 

and   the    suburbs by    any    of    them, 

against  Bel-nadin-shum  his  bond  servant,  his  messenger 


A  release  given  for  and  on  account  of  a  claim  for  damages  arising  from  trespass. 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra 


427 


his  servant  and  the  Nippurians.  Baga'  data',  his  bond 
servant,  his  messenger,  his  servants  and  the  men  of 
those  cities  on  account  of  that  which  they  said  con- 
cerning Rabiia,  Khazatu,  the  suburbs  of  Rabiia,  and 
everything   pertaining  to  that  property,  none  of  them 


Wine  jar  lined  with  bitumen.  Near  the  center  is  a  hole  into  which 
a  plug  or  faucet  was  inserted,  around  which  bitumen  was  smeared  to 
make  it  water-tight. 

shall  bring  suit  again,  in  pcrpetno,  against  Bel-nadin- 
shum,  his  bond  servants,  his  messenger,  his  servants 
and  the  Nippurians.  By  the  gods  and  the  king  they 
have  sworn  that  they  will  renounce  all  claims  as  regards 


428  Light  on  the  Old  Testament 

those  charges.  Baga'  data'  bears  the  responsibiUty 
that  no  claims  shall  arise  on  the  part  of  the  men  of 
those  cities  against  Bel-nadin-shum,  his  bond  servant, 
his  messengers,  his  servants  and  the  Nippurians. 

Names  of  ten  witnesses  and  the  scribe ;  four  seal- 
impressions  and  a  thumb-nail  mark  of  witnesses; 
also  seal  of  Baga'data'  follow. 

The  further  study  of  these  documents  will  doubt- 
less reveal  additional  data  of  interest  to  the  student 
of  life  and  customs  of  the  ancients  who  lived  in 
Babylonia  at  this  time,  inasmuch  as  they  represented 
not  only  the  Babylonians  but  many  different 
nationalities. 

The  work  of  uncovering  Babylonian  cities  has 
practically  only  been  begun.  The  death-like  stillness 
which  brooded  over  some  of  these  mounds  is  begin- 
ning to  be  dispelled  by  the  activity  of  the  Oriental 
with  his  spade  and  pick,  as  directed  by  the  Occidental 
with  his  knowledge  and  skill.  Extraordinary  results 
have  been  achieved  in  the  last  few  decades,  yet  it 
will  require  several  more  of  continuous  labor  before 
either  Nippur,  where  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 
has  worked  for  a  number  of  years,  or  Babylon, 
where  the  German  government  has  dug  for  a  half 
decade,  will  have  been  systematically  excavated; 
in  fact,  not  a  single  site  has  been  completely  un- 
covered. Surprise  upon  surprise  awaits  the  investi- 
gator. There  is  room  in  Babylonia  as  well  as  in 
Assyria  for  many  more  expeditions.  Hundreds  of 
ruins  remain  imtouched.     Low  insignificant  mounds, 


Babylonia  in  Days  of  Ezra  429 

unnoticed  and  unrecorded  by  the  average  explorer, 
may  contain  antiquities  older  than  any  yet  known. 
Interest  in  excavations  is  only  being  awakened. 
What  a  decade  will  bring  forth,  in  opening  still 
w4der  the  vista  of  those  early  days,  and  reflecting 
additional  light  upon  the  Old  Testament  will  only 
be  known  at  the  expiration  of  that  time. 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


Aba-Enlil,  44 

Abaranna,  44 

Abijjam,  245 

Abdi-Ashirti,  279 

Abdi-khiba,  260 

Abdi-Ninib,  18 

Abi-eshukh,  MS 

Abil-Sin,  145  .        , 

Abraham  not  historical,  126 

Abu-Habba,  (Sippara)  30 

Abu-Hatab,  25,  S4 

Accad,  131 

Accadian  language,  90 

Adad-'idri,  318 

Adad-nirari,  322 

Addu,  19 

Adenu,  316 

Adoption  of  children,  212 

Agumkakrime,  99 

Ahab,  317 

Ahaz,  329,  332 

Akizzi,  259 

Akurgal,  38,  42 

Alashia,  18,  257 

Alexander  the  Great,  98 

Alluvial  plain,  158 

Altar,  119 

Amama  tablets,  18 

Amclu,  207 

Amenenhet  1,271 

Amenophis  III,  252 

Amenophis  IV,  252 

Ammi-ditana,   17,  86,  128,  137.   MS 

Ammi-zaduga,  128,  145  . 

Amraphel  (Hammurabi),  27,  12s  i 

Ammurapi,  127 

Amurru,  19,  146,  223,  401 

Anatomy,  Knowledge  of,  160 

Aner,  143 

Anshan,  382 

Anshar,  62  f 

Antiochus  I,  100 

Anu,  62 

Anunnaki,  81 

Apara,  263 

Apsu,  60 

Arabic,  51 

Arachtu,  99 

Aramaic  language,  51 

Aramaic  endorsements,  394 

Aramaic,  the  language  of  diplomacy, 

396 
Archeology,  Credit  due,  22 
Ardu,  208 
Argana,  316 
Arioch  (Eri-Aku),  131 


Arnold,  Doctor,  291 

Arrian,  100 

Aryan,  51 

Asharidu,  127 

Ash  beds  in  the  lower  strata  of  Tem- 
ple, 119 

Ashirta,  18 

Ashurbanipal.  27,  49.  77,  1°°.  i°9. 
116,  120,   135,  356 

Ashur-dan,  325 

Ashur-etiMlani,  358 

Ashur-nirari,  325 

Ashur-uballit,  256 

Askelon,  274 

Asnapper,  127,  356 

Assyria,  First  mention  of,  97 

Awil-Nannar,  156 

Awtlutiim,  300 

Azariah,  327 

Azira,  259 

Baal  of  Tyre,  352 
Babal,  95 
Babel,  87,  89,  97 
Bdbilu,  95 

Babylon,  93.  131  _,  , 

Babylonian    influences    upon     Pales- 
tine, 18 
Babylono-Assyrian,  51 
Baby  rattles,  19S 
Bagdad,  19,  102 

Baked  and  sun-dried  tablets,  180 
Baking  furnace,  192 
Banks,  Doctor,  24 
Barga,  316 

Barton,  Professor,  47   250,  291 
Barzia,  386 
Bath-Shar,  274 
Bel,  18,  62 
Bellas,  199 
Bel-ibni,  341 
Bela,  140 

Belshazzar,  30,  376 
Belshazzar's  feast,  398 
Ben-Addu-amara,  318 
Ben-Addu-natan,  318 
Ben-Hadad,  318 
Berlin  Museum,  164,  i75 
Berosus,  23,  71  f.  346,  348,  379 
Beth-Ninib,  t8 
Bezold,  Professor,  90 
Bibea,  155 
Bilhah,  222 
Birs-Nimrud,  96 
Bismya,  24,  47.  Si 
Bitiliash,  290. 


432 


Index  of  Subjects 


Bit-Gimillum,  295 

Bit-Nin-ib,  261 

Bitumen,  Use  of,  80,  94 

Blau  monument,  47 

Bliss,  Doctor,  26 

Blood,  Use  of,  12 

Boat  builders,  217 

Boissier,  Professor,  187 

Borsippa,  96 

Breaking  tablets,  179 

Breasted,  Professor,  275 

Breastplate,  13 

Bronze,  54 

Brummer,  Vincent,  50 

Brunnow,  Doctor,  91,  189 

Bull-colossi,  14 

Buma-Buriash,  130,  256,  285,  290 

Bur-Sagali,  325 

Bur-Sin,  no,  112 

Buzur-Bel,  81 

Calendar,  151 

Calneh,  48 

Calno,  327 

Cambyses,  379,  386 

Canaan, 126 

Canephorus,  164 

Cardinal  points,  106 

Case  tablets,  177 

Cassites,  283 

Causeway,  or  means  of  ascent  to  top 

of  tower,  108 
Cave  of  Machpelah,  221 
Chaldean  Account  of  Genesis,  59 
Chaldeans,  196 
Check-marks,  309 
Chedorlaomer,  125,  131  f 
Cherubim,  14 
Children's  toys,  195 
Circumcision,  6 
Clay  as  writing  material,  167 
Clay  images,  193 
Codes  compared,  233 
Colossi  of  Memnon,  252 
Concubinage,  209 
Confederation  of  powers,  136 
Constantinople,  19 
Cope,  Professor,  42 
Corporal  mutilation,  219 
Cosmological    ideas    of    the    Hebrews, 

123 
Craftsman,  52 
Craig,  Professor,  187 
Creation,  68,  87 
Ctesiphon,  102 
Curb  for  an  enclosure,  119 
Cyprus,  18 

Dagon,   19 

Damascus,  125 

Dan,  125 

Dapur,  274 

Date  of  Hammurabi,  130 

Dating  of  tablets,  153 


110 

77. 


91. 


46,  201,  288 
24,  164 


191 
95.  121 


David,  5 

Death  penalty,  219 

Debris,  Accumulation  of,  33, 

Delitzsch,   Professor,    25,    59, 

204 
De  Morgan,  M. 
De  Sacy,  247 
De  Sarzec,  M., 
Desertion,  211 
Diarbekir,  314 

Divergencies  of  the  deluge  stories,  85 
Divination,  10 
Diodorus.  120 
Disease  of  a  slave,  214 
Divorce,  210 
Djocha,  47 
Dragon,  69 
Drainage  systems 
Driver,  Professor, 
Dungi,  164,  285 
Dungur,  43 
Dur-an-kt,  124  f 
Diir-Kuri-Galzu,  288 
Dur-Sin,  155 
Dur-sir-ildni,  132 
Dushratta,  256 

Ea,  62 

Eannatum,  38 
Earliest  inscriptions,  47 
Ebarra,  30  f 
Eclipse  of  the  sun,  325 
Eden,  14,  87 
Edingiranagin,  38 
E-dur-an-ki,  123 
Ethiopic  language,  51 
Egibi,  393 
E-gigunu,  120  • 
E-gishshir-gal,  197 
E-gubba-an-ki,  123 
Egypt,  5,  126 
Ekron,  348 
Ekur,  112 
El-Hibba,  119 
Elam,  42,  125 
Ellasar  (Larsa),  131,  133 
Eltekeh,  343 
E-mu-ri-a-na-ba-ak,  197 
Emutbal,  135 
Enannatum,  38 
Enlil  (Bel),  92 
En-mishpat,  140 
Ennugi,  78 
Enshagkushanna,  38 
Entemena,  38.  43,  52 
Envelopes  inscribed,  179 
Epilogue,  to  code,  205 
Eponym  Canon.  327 
Erech,  42,  97,  115 
E-ri,  133 

Eri-Aku  (Arioch),  133 
Eridu,  49,  115 
Eri-Eaku,  132 
Esar,  47 


Index  of  Subjects 


433 


Esarhaddon,  loo,  351 

Eshcol,  143 
E-shu-gan-du-du,  197 
E-temen-an-ki,  89,  102,  123 
Euphrates  of  Nippur,  407 
E-ur-imin-an-ki,  96,  123 
Exodus,  126 

Fara,  25,  SI.  54,  84 

Fees  of  surgeons,  216       __ 

Fight  of  Marduk  and  Tiamtu,  6s 

Fisher,  Mr.  C.S.,  32,  35,  102.  1°^,  i 

182,  407 
Fish-pond  lease,  41 S 
Foote,  Doctor,  M  . 

Foreign  names  in  Babylonia,  404 
Frederick,  Doctor,  221 


13. 


Gaga,  63 
Gamaru,  15 
Gate  of  temple,  109 
Gazri  (Gezer),  261 

Geere,  Mr.  V.,  84 
Genesis,  14th  Chapter,  126 

Geography  of  Palestme,  New,  263 

German  Oriental  Society,  25 

Gezer,  26s 

Gilgamesh,  49.  56,  77.  »o 

Gilukhepa,  252 

Gimil-Marduk,  isS 

Gimil-Sin,  i97 

Gimti  (Gath),  261 

Girsu,  89 

Gomates,  386 

Gray,  Doctor,  2 45 

Greece  and  Rome,  2 

Gudea,  17.  62,  113.  no 

Gunkel,  Professor,  59.  69.  ^\ 

Gutters  around  the  ziggurrat,  160 

Habbatu,  264 
Habiri,  2s8 
Habiraeans,  265 
Halevy,  Professor,  90 
Halqat,  abada,  263 

Hammurabi,  17,  97.  .127;  Date  of,  130, 

Letters  of,  151;  Piety  of,  152 
Hammurabi-il{u),  129 

gafper:P?^fe;^o^rR.F.,22i,222 
Ha^pVp^ofessor,  10,  13.  90    91.  .^6 

"-r'.orirs/f2o?^i8f'2fo',2r9: 

294 
Hazael,  34.  3^9 
Hazatu,  266 
Heber,  265 
Helm,  Professor,  54 
Herodotus,  102,  104.  1°° 
Hezekiah,  241,  339 
Hillah,  96,  102  Q 

\  Hilprecht,  Professor,  3  5.   42,   44,  84 


108,  115,   120,   i87f,   192,   242,   284. 

4°5     „      , 
Hinke,  Professor,  121 

Hirom,  328 

Historical  geography,  s 

Hit,  95 

Hittites,  21,  261 

Hommel,   Professor,   47.   9°.   9'.    ^20, 

142,  196,  407 
Hobah,  I2S  ^  „     ^.  Q_ 

Hoffman,  E.  A.,  Collection,  47.  i»7 
Horam,  280 
Hoshen  mishpat,  13 
Hronzy,  Dr.,  244 
Humbani-gash,  337 
Humri,  266 
Hyksos,  283 

Ibadid,  338 
Ibni-sharru,  56 
Incantation  tablet,  50 
Inner-court  of  temple,  112 
Inscriptions,  147 
Ipira,  263 
Irkhuleni,  315 
Isaiah,  314 
Ishme-Dagan,  19 
Ishtar,  18 
Isin,  IIS 

Jacob, 9 

Jama,  Names  with,  244 
Japakhi-Addi,  2S9  ,       , 

Jastrow,  Professor,  10,  49-  59-  60,  62, 

91,  242 
Jau-bi'di,  338 
Jau{ni)-ilu,  239 
Ja-ve-ilit,  23s 

Jensen,  Professor,  S9.  77.  90.  4oi 
Jeremias,  Dr.  A.,  59.  77.  2S7 
Jeroboam  II,  324  f 
Jethro,  231  f 

'   Johns!  Rev.  C.  H.  W.,  166,  221 
Joseph,  10 

Jeweler's  guarantee,  412 
Judge,  Office  of,  217 
Judgment,  13 

Kadashman-Bkl  I.  254.  284.288,290 
Kadashman-Turgu,    33    i.    27    i.    iio. 

285,  288 
Kadesh,  140 
Kalbia,  295 
Kaldu,  196 
Kamak,  272 
Khabour,  337 
Khani,  99 
Khanni,  260 
Khayapa,  338 
Khu-en-Aten.  253 
Khunnubi,  295 
Kimtu,  128 
Kinahni,  Ktnahht,  264 


434 


Index  of  Subjects 


King,  Mr.  L.  W.,  S7.  59.  68,  149,  187 
Kingu,  61,  65 
Kish,  38,  42,  45  i 
Ki-shag-gul-la  Bur-Sin,  no 
Kissians,  283 

Koldewey,  Doctor,  119,  120 
Kudur,  131 
Kudur-Bel,  290 
Kuri-Galzu,  256,  284  f,  290 
Kudur- Lakhgumal,  132 
Kudur-Mabug,  17,  132  f,  136  f,  164 
Kudur-Nankhundi,  115,  132,  135,  199, 
286 

Lachish,  26 

Lagamar,  132 

Lagash  (Telloh  or  Shirpurla),  92 

Lapidaries,  55 

Larsa  (Ellasar),  42,  123  £,  131,  133 

Lathe,  162 

Layard,  321 

Leave  of  absence,  304 

Legal  documents,  410 

Lehman,  Professor,  32 

Lenormant,  Professor,  90 

Letters,  154,  179 

Lex  talionis,  219,  224 

Leviathan,  69  f 

Library  of  the  Temple  School,   186 

Limmu-Bel-illatua,  154 

Literature,    The    great    antiquity    of 

Babylonian,  48 
Loftus,  25 
Lot,  126 
Love  letter,  155 
Lugal-ezen,  44 
Lugal-kigubnidudu,  44,  196 
Lugal-kisalsi,  44,  196 
Lugal-shag-Engur,  38 
Lugal-zaggisi,  44.  138,  196 
Lyon,  Professor,  205 

Magan,  160 
Mamre,  143 
Manasseh,  354 
Manishtusu,  46 
Marduk,  60 

Marduk-zakir-shum,  339 
Marriage  contract,  209 
Marriage  portion,  210 
Marsiman,  338 
Medicine,  216 
Medina,  162 
Melchizedek,  125 
Melukhkha,  162 
Memphite  sculptor,  160 
Menahem,  325,  328  f 
Merneptah,  275 
Merodach-baladan,  339 
Merom,  274 
Mesilim,  46 

Messerschmidt,  Dr.  L.,  172 
Mever,  Edouard,  92,  119 
Milkilu,  261 


Minaean,  147 
Moore,  Professor,  10 
Moritz,  119 
Moses,  238 
Moabitic  dialect,  147 
Money-lenders,  151 
Montgomery,  Professor,  241 
Mt.  Nebo,  18 
Mt.  Sinai,  18 
Mugayyar,  196 

Miiller,  Professor  W.  Max,  257,  275 
Multiplication  tables.  118 
Murashu  Sons  of  Nippur,  394 
Museum  of   the   University  of   Penn- 
sylvania, 138 
Musical  instruments,  164 
Muskhenu,  207 

Nabonidus,  30  f,  130 

Nabopolassar,  100,  123 

Nabil-balatsu-iqbi,  276 

Nahum,  356 

Naram-Sin,   i6,  30  f.,   117,   119.    iS^, 

204 
Narima  or  Nakhrima,  264 
Naville,  Mr.  Edouard,  267 
Nazi-Maruttash,  287,  290 
Nebo,  96 

Nebuchadrezzar,  30,  96,   100,   123 
Nejd,  162 
Nergal,  18 
Nibmare,  252 
Nibmuaria,  252 
Niebuhr,  96 
Nimmuria,  252 
Nimrod,  401 
Nina,  92 
Nineveh,  97 
Nin-girsu,  52 
Ninib,  78,  299 
Nin-kharsag,  43 
Ninos,  120 
Nippur,  24,  97,  104 
Nizir,  82 

Noldeke,  Professor,  125  f 
North  American  Indian,  232 
Nukhashshi,  259 
Numerals,  180 
NAr-Ramman,  135 

Oath,  218 
Office  of  judge,  217 
Oppert,  Professor,  90 
Outer-court,  112 

Padi,  341 
Pahil,  274 
Pa-Kan'ana,  274 
Palestinian  language,  51 
Parthians,  26 
Passover,  12 
Pay-rolls,  299 
Peiser,  Professor,  204,  401 
Pekah,  330 


Index  of  Subjects 


435 


Penates,  193 

Peters,  Doctor,  no,  115,  186,  197,  284, 

289 
Persia,  5 
Pinches,  Doctor  T.  G.,  15,59,  132,124, 

222 
Pithom,  266 
Poeble,  Dr.  A.,  222 
Political  influence  of  Babylonia,  16 
Pottery  objects,  190 
Post  system,  156 
Pre-Sargonic  kings,  44 
Prince,  Professor,  91 
Priest  Code,  14 
Pulu,  326 

Pupil  exercises,  187 
Purpose  of  the  tax,  292 

QuTi,  382 

Ragia,  123 

Rahab,  69  f 

Rameses  II,  268 

Ramman-shum-usur,  284 

Ranke,  Dr.  H.,  141,  222,  238 

Rassam,  Hormuzd,  25,  30 

Rawlinson,  Henry,  130,  133,  19s 

Red  Sea,  70 

Reisner,  Dr.,  49,  187 

Remaliah,  330 

Rezin,  329 

Rib-Addi,  259,  279 

Rim-Sin,  131,  133,  148,  164,  207 

Rogers,  Professor,  91 

Ruling  of  tablets,  180 

Sabara'in,  333 

Sabbath,  Babylonian,  15 

Sacrifice,  13 

Sa-ga-as,  264 

Salem,  125 

Samaria,  333,  336 

Samse,  337 

Samsu-ditana,  145 

Samsu-iluna,  145,  283 

Sarah,  198 

Sargon  I,  16,  31  f,  46,  98,  no,  117,  156 

Sargon  II,  334 

Sarpanitum,  98,  153 

Sayce,  Professor,  59,  90,  236 

Scheil,  Father,  46.  iS5.  184,  187,  222 

Schoolboy  exercises,  186 

Scribes,  166 

Scribes'  libraries,  189 

Seal  cylinders,  171 

Seal  impressions,  296 

Seals,  171 

Sepulcher  of  Bel,  120 

Semitic  languages,  51,  146 

Sennacherib,  99,  330,  397 

Seleucia,  102 

Septuagint,  129 


Sety  I.,  275 

Shabat,  15 

Sha-bat-tum,  15 

Shadi,  263 

Shagarakti-Shuriash,  290 

Shargdni-shar-dli,  334 

Shar-kenu,  334 

Shar-nkin,  334 

Shalam,  274 

Shallum,  325 

Shalmaneser  II,  314 

Shalmaneser  IV,  332 

Shamshi-Adad,  322 

Shasha  (Shushan),  285 

Shasharii,  218  _      , 

Sheep's     liver,     used     for    divination. 

purposes,  312 
Shimti-Shilkhak,  133 
Shinar,  73,  93,  127,  131 
Shirpurla,  see  Lagash  and  Telloh 
Shishak,  313 

Showbread  of  the  Babylonians,  1 1 
Shuardatum,  261 
Shumer,  93,  115,  131 
Shunagargid,  156 
Shurippak  (Fara),  78 
Shurpu-Maklu,  49 
Shushan,  285 
Sib'e.  33i 
Silversmith,  52 

Silver  standard  in  Sargonic  age,  46 
Simyra,  259 

Sippara  (Abu-Habba),  93,  49,  124,  i8a 
Sinaitic  peninsula,  162 
Sin-idinnam,  135,  149 
Sin-imguranni,  298 
Sin-muballit,  135,  145 
Sin-shar-ishkun,  358 
Sin-shum-lishir,  358 
Sin-uzili,  298 
Sisiktu,  used  instead  of  a  seal,   175  f, 

296 
Sive.  333 

Slavery  in  the  Code,  213 
Slime  (bitumen),  94 
Smith,  162 

Smith,  Mr.  George,  59,  77,  133 
Smith,  Professor  G.  A.,  141 
So,  333 
Sodom,  125 
Solomon,  5,  20 
Stevenson,  Dr.  J.  H.,  397 
Strabo,  120 

Strassmaier,  Father,  291,  378,  391 
Statues  of  gods,  193 
Stone  statues,  158 
Stylus,  168  f 
Syllabaries,  182 
Sumerian  question,  90 
Sumerians,  90,  92 
Sumu-abi,  14s 
Sumu-la-ilu,  98,  145 
Surgery  in  the  Code  of  Hammurabi, 

216 


436 


Index  of  Subjects 


Suti,  279 

Sutruk-Nakhundi,  204 
Sutu,  15s 

Tablets,  Shape  of,  180 

Tablet  Hill,  183 

Tabor,  274 

Tags  and  labels,  158 

Takalta,  13 

Talmud,  47 

Taylor,  25 

Taylor  cylinder,  341 

Taxes,  291 

Tehenu,  275 

Teispis,  382 

Tel-abib,  408 

Telloh  (Shirpurla  and  Lagash),  116 

Temple  A-E,  99 

Temple,  Plan  of  the  Babylonian,   113 

Temple  Belos,  102 

Terah,  200 

Teraphim,  193 

Tcrhatu,  208 

Text-book,  189 

Thebes,  358 

Theodoret,  241 

Thothmes  III,  258,  271 

Thumb-nail  marks,  174 

Thummin,  13 

Thureau-Dangin,  Professor,  43,  44,  47, 

91 
Tia.mat,  60,  74 
Tidal,  125,  132 
Tiglath-pileser  III,  326 
Tihom,  69  f,  72 
Tirhakah,  352 
Topographical  map,  294 
Trumbull,  Dr.  H.  C,  12 
Tukulti-Ninib,  99,  314 
Turanian  languages,  51 
Turkish  Government,  182 

Ubar-Tutu,  78 
Ugarit,  259 
Ukin-zer,  326 
Umliash,  153 
Umman-manda,  382 
Ummu-Khubur,  61 
Um-nilh  libbi,  15 


Umu  limnu,  15 

Ungnad,  Doctor,  175 

University  of  Pennsylvania,  104 

Ur-Mama,  44 

Ur,  8  f,  42,  87,  19s 

Ur-Engur,  27,  105,  109,  113,  117,  102 

Ur-Enlil,  41 

Urim,  13 

Urfa,  19s 

Ur-Nina,  38  f 

Ur-Ninib,  33  f,  115 

Urukagina,  38,  43 

Urumush,  45,  92 

Urusalim,  263 

Urzage,  38 

Use  of  the  seal,  173 

Ussher,  23,  129 

Ut-napishtim,  78 

Utug,  44 

Uzziah,  324 

Vale  of  Siddim,  125 

Vases.  162 

Vaults,  112 

Virolleaud,  Dr.,  291 

Votaries,  214 

Verterinary  surgeon,  216 

Walls,  Temple,  109 

Ward.  Dr.  W.  H.,  172 

Weights,  46 

Why  tablets  were  encased,  178 

Winckler,  Professor,  32,  222,  259 

Wine  jar,  427 

Wine  shops,  215 

Winkelhaken,  178 

Xerxes,  100 

Yabim,  280 
Yaphi,  280 

Zabium,  98,  14s 

Zachariah,  325 

Zeus,  104 

Zidka.  342 

Ziggurrat  Babili,  89,  102 

Zimmem,  Professor,  14,  49.  5 1^,  90    :87 

Zimrida,  280 

Zoan,  271 


INDEX  OF  SCRIPTURE  REFERENCES 


GENESIS 

TEXT  PAGE 

1:2 72 

6,  7 123 

3 16 

10 48,  97 


1  ; 

2 
10 
1 1 
14 
16  : 
23 


9 95 

4 137 

I,  2 222 

14-20   ....  222 

24:4 22  1 

30  :  1-4 222 

44  :  S 10 

46  :  17 26s 

47  :  II 271 


18 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
22 
22 
22 
22 
22 
22 
29 


EXODUS 
14-27  •  •  ■ 
2 

7 

12,   13      .     .     . 

15 

16 

18,   19      .     .     . 

22-2S  .  .  . 
24,  25  .  .  . 
26,  27  .  .  . 
28 

29 

32 

I 

2-4         .... 

s 

7-9  .... 
12 

14,  IS  ■  •  • 
13 


LEVITICUS 

3:4 

6  :  2-7       

9  :  10 

18  :  3 

20  :  10 

20  :  1 1 

20  :  12 

24:  5  ff 

24  :  20   


NUMBERS 


13  :  22 


231 
227 
227 
229 
228 
225 
229 
229 
229 
229 
230 
230 
231 
225 
225 
227 
227 
227 
230 
10 


10 
224 

10 

7 

228 

228 

228 

I  2 
229 


271 


DEUTERONOMY 


18:3 
19  :  21 

26  :  5 


12 

229 

9 


JOSHUA 


TEXT 
10  :   I 

IS  :  41 
19  :  28 


PAGE 
.  280 
.    343 

.    342 


19  :  29 342 

19  :  44 343 

19  :  4S 343 

24  :  2 200 


JUDGES 


I  :  31 


342 


I  KINGS 

6:1 278 

14  :  2S 313 

16  :  31 342 

17:9 342 


II  KINGS 


8 

IS   . 

10 

32  f  . 

13 

s  .  . 

15 

19  .  . 

IS 

20  . 

15 

29.  30 

It) 

s  ■ 

16 

7   .  • 

16 

9  •  • 

16 

10  . 

17 

3-5 

17 

6   . 

17 

24  . 

18 

8   . 

18 

13  ff 

18 

26  . 

19 

9   ■ 

19 

37  . 

20 

12-19 

20 

20  . 

23 

:  29,  30 

23 

:  3I-3S 

24 

:  I  .  . 

24 

:  7  .  . 

2S 

:6f  . 

2S 

:  28ff  . 

319 
321 
322 

328 

329 
330 
28,  329 
331 
330 
332 
332 

33. 337 
337 
341 
344 
396 

46,  3S2 
400 

339 
341 
362 
362 
362 
362 
364 
371 


I  CHRONICLES 
S  :  26 326 

II  CHRONICLES 

33  :  II  ff 3S6 

36  :  6 362 


EZRA 


1:1,4 
1  :  2f 


384 
386 


TEXT  PAGE 

1:7 384 

I  :  7-II 381 

4:7 396 

4  :  10 356 

4  :  21-24      ....  389 

ESTHER 

1:2 388 

3:7 388 

JOB 

26:12 70 

PSALMS 

74  :  13 71 

83  :  7 259 

89  :  9 70 

ISAIAH 

1°  :  9 327 

20  :  I 334 

30  :  1-4 341 

36  :  I  ff 344 

37  :  38 3SI 

51:9 70 

JEREMIAH 

37  :  5  f 364 

39  :  3 371 

EZEKIEL 

1  :  I.  3.  IS       ...  405 
3:15 408 

10  :  IS 40s 

21:21 10 

27  :  8 342 

27  :  9 342 

DANIEL 

2  ■•  4 399 

4  :  30 371 

S 376 

AMOS 

8:9 32s 

NAHUM 

3:8 3S8 

3  :  18,  19     ....  360 

MATTHEW 

5  :  38 229 


437 


DATE  DUE 

J'^tf"!?""*Ff3 

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1 

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GAYLORD 

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